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i

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TRAVELS IN INDIA

BY

JEAN BAPTISTE TAVERNIER

BARON OF AUBONNE

r

\

ft

f

JEAN BAPTISTE TAVERNIER

11ARON OF AUDONNF,

Dressed in the Robes of Honour presented to him by the Shah of Tersia

i

i

i

i

i

i

TRAVELS IN INDIA

BY

, JEAN BAPTISTE TAVERN 1ER

BARON OF AUBONNE

TRANSLATED FROM THE ORIGINAL FRENCH EDITION OF 1676

WITH A

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OF THE AUTHOR,

\ NOTES, APPENDICES, ETC.

BY

V. BALL, LL.D., F.R.S., F.G.S.

DIRECTOR OF THE SCIENCE AND ART MUSEUM, DUBLIN
AUTHOR OP 'JUNGLE LIPB IN INDIA,' ' THE ECONOMIC GEOLOGY OP INDIA,' ETC.

IN TWO VOLUMES
VOL, II

Hontjon

MACMILLAN AND CO.

AND NEW YORK
I889

All rights reserved

Printed by R. & R. Clark, Edinburgh

UUt,.Ç

/'

5 il f3

CONTENTS

Preface ....

Table of the Books and Chapters

Travels in India —

Book II, Chapters XII to XXVI
Book III, Chapters I to XXIX

The King's Licence .

Appendices I to VI .

Index and Glossary

PACE

ix

XV

. 1-171

173-425

426

429

477

VOL. II

ILLUSTRATIONS

PLATE PAGE

I. Portrait of Tavernier Frontispiece

IL Figures of Large Diamonds . .124

III. Figures of Diamonds sold to the King of France 126

IV. Figures of Rubies and Topaz .128
V. Figures of Pearls .130

VI. Figures of the Koh-i-nur .... 442

Map shewing the position of the Diamond Rivers

of Bengal .458

î

/

PREFACE

I n the course of the preparation of a work of so diver-
sified and complex a character as this, it is almost
certain to be the case that, even up to the last moment
before publication, matter bearing upon the subject
comes to hand. The present occasion, so far from
forming an exception to the rule, exemplifies it in a
very remarkable degree. The subjects upon which
additional information has been acquired during the
progress of the printing of these volumes are many ;
but there are some in particular which deserve special
notice, to which it may therefore be well to call
attention here.

Through the kindness of Prof. Joret I have
received a pamphlet, written by himself, entitled Le
Voyageur Tavemier (1670- 1689), in which he has
pursued his investigations as to the events of the last
twenty years of Tavernier's life. As some of these
confirm while others modify the conclusions set forth
in the Introduction to vol. i, it is desirable to notice

them briefly.

Prof. Joret describes his examination of the original
manuscripts of Tavernier's Memoirs, which are in the
possession of M. Schefer at his Chateau of St. Alban
near Chambéry. Without entering into details, it

x PREFACE

may be said that they completely confirm the view
expressed in the Introduction, that the material made
use of by Chappuzeau was largely documentary ; that
it could have been communicated orally by dictation,
the internal evidence, as it appeared to me, sufficiently
disproved.

Chappuzeau's work consisted in giving a literary
style, such as it was, to Tavernier s simple and rough
notes ; but in this work Tavernier himself very possibly
assisted. These MS. Memoirs contain some details
not included in the Travels, such as personal expenses
and other minor day-to-day notes. The death of M.
Ardilliére, a subject of some confusion (see p. 159 n\
is fixed by the original record as having taken place
on the 1 2th December 1652. And Taverniers arrival
at Ispahan in 1654 was on the 9th of July, not in May
as previously supposed.

It is hoped that this original text may be published,
as it would seem, from the glimpse of it thus given by
Prof. Joret, that it would to a great extent aid in
co-ordinating various statements in the published
Travels which are now contradictory.

The suggestion that J. B. Tavernier had been
imprisoned in the Bastille on the 13th January 1686 is
now shown1 to be a mistake, and that it was a name-
sake of his, a Tavernier of Villiers-le-Bel, who was so
incarcerated.

Passing the important additional information
obtained as to Taverniers relations with the Elector
of Brandenburg, we find that Prof. Joret has reason
for concluding that the discovery of the supposed

1 M. Douen in Bulletin de la Société du Protestantisme Français,
vol. xxxiv, 1887, p. 95-

PREFACE xi

tombstone of Tavernier at Moscow is of a somewhat
mythical character ; but, be that as it may, an important
letter from the Swedish Resident at Moscow, dated
8th March 1689, has been discovered, by which the
Swedish Chancellor was informed that Tavernier had
died three weeks previously, not at Moscow, but at
Smolensk, when on his journey to Moscow.

In Book II, chap, xxi (vol. ii, p. 122) a table is
given showing the ratio between carats and a weight
called chegos, which was used by the Portuguese in
the pearl trade. I was unable to explain this table ;
but since it has been in type I have shown it to Mr.
A. Rambaut, Assistant to the Astronomer Royal for
Ireland, who has very kindly given me what appears
to be a completely adequate explanation of its con-
struction, as follows : — For the first six equivalents the
equation y= 3 + i%x+ f^2, represents the relation where
^ = the number of chegos and x the number of carats,
subject, however, to the condition that wherever an
uneven number of eighths of a carat occurs one is
rejected. If this rule is followed the precise figures
of Tavernier's table are obtained.

From seven carats onwards a very simple rule is
followed in order to obtain the number of chegos. It
is to multiply the number of carats by 10, divide by
1 2, and square the result — thus 36 x 10-r- 1 2 = 30, which
squared = 900. There is one exception to this rule in
the case of 25 carats, which in the table is given as
equal to 430 chegos, whereas it ought to be, when
calculated as above, 434.05 chegos. This discrepancy
is probably due to a misprint, so that the table should
be corrected accordingly.

When in the course of these pages reference was

•V

xii PREFACE "?l

made to the Grand Duke of Tuscany 's diamond, it
was supposed that the weight given by Schrauf for
this diamond, which is now in the Imperial Treasury
in Austria, was to be accepted as more correct than
Ta vernier's, but an examination of Schrauf s original
papers shows that he really confirms Tavernier's
weight for the stone in a very remarkable way. The
present weight is 133^ Vienna carats, which are equal
to 1 39k °f t^e lighter Florentine carats ; and as
Tavernier gives the weight at 139^ carats we are
justified in concluding that in this case he used, and
that in general he was probably in the habit of using,
the Florentine carat = 0.1972 grams,1 or 3.04 grs.
troy, i.e. 4 per cent less than the English carat. The
previous estimate of the value of the pearl rati given
in Appendix, vol. i, having been calculated on the
basis of £ths of a modern English or French carat,
amounted to 2.77 grs. troy ; but as £ths of a Florentine
carat only amounts to 2.66 grs. troy, it seems probable
that that would more closely approximate to the value
of the pearl rati which was used in the weighment of
jewels by Tavernier. From the discussion on the
weight of Bâbar's diamond given in Appendix I (p. 432)
in this volume, it will be seen that there is independent
testimony by Ferishta in favour of the view that 2.66
approximates more closely to the true value of the
rati known to Tavernier and Ferishta. Other con-
firmatory evidence of this having been the value of
the pearl rati will be found in the same Appendix.

A partial and preliminary notice of Tavernier's
work has been referred to on p. 126 as having appeared

1 Prof. Church, Precious Stones, p. 50, gives the value as 0.1965
grams.

>1

PREFACE xiii

in the Philosophical Transactions, to which it should
be added that in the same journal abstracts of the
contents of the first two volumes were subsequently
published.1

The readers attention is invited to the curious
facts brought out in Appendix VI, from which it would
appear that Chappuzeau obtained access to some of
Taverniers Memoirs while the latter was still absent
on his last voyage. So far as I can ascertain it has
never before been recognised that the Histoire des
Joyaux and the English version of it, The History of
Jewels, were founded on Taverniers original Memoirs.
This work serves to clear up several points commented
on in the footnotes.

During a recent visit to Holland I ascertained
that, as stated in the Bibliography (see vol. I, p. xlvi,)
there is but one edition of Tavernier's Travels in
the Dutch language. It was translated by J. H.
Glazemaker, and published at Amsterdam in 1682.
A copy of it which I obtained contains a number of
engravings by Jan Luyken in addition to copies of the
original plates in the French editions.

It is hoped that the present edition of Ta ver nier s
Indian Travels, by drawing attention to the work, will
hereafter lead to the further elucidation of many points
of interest ; and the Editor desires to intimate here, to
those who may be willing to assist, that he will grate-
fully acknowledge all contributions on the subject
which he may receive from readers of these volumes.

1 No. 129, Nov. 20, 1676, p. 711 ; No. 130, Dec. 14, p. 751.

:>

m

!

4

1

TABLE OF THE BOOKS AND CHAPTERS

BOOK II {Continued)

Historical and Political Description of the Empire of the Great

Mogul

Chapter XII. — Concerning the articles of merchandise yielded by
the Empire of the Great Mogul, and the Kingdoms of Gol-
conda and Bijapur and other neighbouring territories

Page i

Chapter XIII. — Concerning the frauds which can be practised in
manufactures, whether by the roguery of the workers or the
knavery of the brokers and buyers . .26

Chapter XIV. — Concerning the methods to be observed for estab-
lishing a new Commercial Company in the East Indies 33

Chapter XV. — Concerning diamonds and the mines and rivers
where they are found ; and especially of the Author's journey
to the Mine of Ramulkota (Raolconda of the original) . 53

Chapter XVI. — Journey of the Author to the other Mines, and
concerning the method of searching for Diamonds . 7 2

Chapter XVII. — A continuation of the Author's journeys to the
Diamond Mines . 8x

Chapter XVIII. — The different kinds of weights for weighing
diamonds at the Mines ; the kinds of gold and silver in circu-
lation ; the routes by which one is able to travel ; and the rule
in use for the estimation of the prices of diamonds . 89

Chapter XIX. — Concerning Coloured Stones and the places where
they are obtained .99

xvi TABLE OF THE BOOKS AND CHAPTERS

[ Chapter XX. — Concerning Pearls and the places where they are

fished for ....... Page 107

Chapter XXI. — Concerning the manner in which Pearls originate
in Oysters, how they are fished for and at what seasons . 116

Chapter XXII. — Remarks upon the largest and most beautiful
Diamonds and Rubies which the Author has seen in Europe
and Asia, the figures of which are here given, together with
those of the large Stones which he sold to the King on his
return from his last journey to India, with a representation of
a magnificent Topaz, and the largest Pearls in the world 123

Chapter XXIII. — Concerning Coral and Yellow Amber and the
places where they are found . . .132

Chapter XXIV. — Concerning Musk and Bezoar and some other
medicinal stones . . . . . .143

Chapter XXV. — Concerning the places from whence gold is ob-
tained in Asia and Africa 155

Chapter XXVI. — Account of a notable act of perfidy done to the
Author when he was about to embark at Gombroon for
Surat . . . . . .164

BOOK III

Concerning the religion of the Muhammadans and that of the
Idolaters of India : the voyage of the Author by sea from
Surat to Batavia, and from Batavia to Holland ; and of
many peculiarities in different Kingdoms of the East . 173

Chapter I. — Concerning the religion of the Muhammadans in the
East Indies . . . . . . . 175

Chapter II. — Concerning Fakirs or Muhammadan beggars in the
East Indies . . . . . .178

Chapter III. — Of the Religion of the Gentiles or Idolaters of
India . . . . . . . . 181

Chapter IV. — Concerning the idolatrous Kings and Princes of
• Asia . . . . • • . .187

j Chapter V. — Concerning the belief of the Idolaters with respect

J to the Deity . . . . .190

TABLE OF THE BOOKS AND CHAPTERS xvii

Chapter VI. — Concerning Fakirs, or the professional Mendicants
of India, and their penances .... Page 1 96

Chapter VII. — Concerning the belief of the Idolaters touching the
condition of the soul of man after death . . .203

Chapter VIII. — Concerning the Idolaters' custom of burning the
bodies of the deceased ...... 207

Chapter IX. — How the women burn themselves with the bodies
of their deceased husbands in India . . .209

Chapter X. — Remarkable histories of several women who have
been burnt after the death of their husbands . .218

Chapter XL — Concerning the most celebrated Pagodas of the
Idolaters of India ....... 225

Chapter XIL — Continuation of the description of the principal
Pagodas of the Idolaters of India . . . .240

Chapter XIII. — Concerning the pilgrimages of the Idolaters to
their Pagodas 244

Chapter XIV. — Concerning various customs of the Idolaters of
India ......... 247

Chapter XV. — Concerning the Kingdom of Bhutan, from whence
comes musk, good rhubarb, and some furs . . .258

Chapter XVI. — Concerning the Kingdom of Tipperah . 273

Chapter XVII. — Concerning the Kingdom of Assam . .277

Chapter XVIII. — Concerning the Kingdom of Si am . 286

Chapter XIX. — Concerning the Kingdom of Macassar and the
Dutch Embassy to China . . . -297

Chapter XX. — The Author pursues his journey in the East and
embarks at Vengurla for Batavia ; the danger which he runs
on the sea, and his arrival in the Island of Ceylon . 308

Chapter XXI. — Departure of the Author from the Island of
Ceylon, and his arrival at Batavia . . . .321

Chapter XXII. — Concerning an affair which was raised unseason-
ably for the Author in the Council at Batavia . .326

Chapter XXIII. — The Author goes to see the King of Bantam,
and describes several adventures in connection therewith 345

I

t:

xviii TABLE OF THE BOOKS AND CHAPTERS

Chapter XXIV. — The Author returns to Batavia, and some days
afterwards goes again to visit the King of Bantam, giving an
account, in connection therewith, of the dangerous extravagances
of some Fakirs, or pilgrims, on their return from Mecca

Page 358

Chapter XXV. — Concerning the Dutch war with the Emperor of
Java ......... 368

Chapter XXVI.-^The Author renders the last duties to his
brother, who died at Batavia, and has fresh difficulties with
the General and his Council . . -376

Chapter XXVII. — The Author embarks on a Dutch vessel in
order to return to Europe . .388

Chapter XXVIII. — The Dutch fleet arrives at St. Helena, and
the Author gives a description of that Island . . 40 1

Chapter XXIX. — The Dutch fleet leaves the Island of St. Helena,
and the Author arrives safely with it in Holland . .410

The King's Licence .426

APPENDICES

I. — 1. The Great Mogul's Diamond and the true History of the
Koh-i-nur . . . .431

2. Summary History of the Koh-i-nur . . . 444

3. The Grand Duke of Tuscany's Diamond, etc., and some

further notes on the absolute weights of the carat and
rati as they were used by Tavernier -447

4. On the weights of some of the Diamonds, other Precious

Stones, and Pearls, mentioned by Tavernier . 448

II. — List of all the Diamond Mines in India of which there are

authentic Records, arranged in Districts, etc. . -450

III. — The Diamond Mines of Bengal 457

IV. — The Diamond Mines of Borneo . .462

V. — 1. The Ruby Mines of Upper Burmah . -465

2. The Sapphire Washings of Ceylon 470

VI. — 1. A Review or Abstract in the Philosophical Transactions of
Chapuzeau's (sic) work, entitled Histoire des Joyaux, pub-
lished in 1665 . . . . .471
2. Note on the English Edition of the same work . 475

PLATES IN THE ORIGINAL NOT REPRODUCED

Figures of three Rubies belonging to His Majesty.

The animal which produces musk.

Cobra di capello.

Banyan tree and Fakirs.

A Fakir.

Canjare (Khdnjar), or dagger.

Marks on Batavian rea/es.

Not*. — The Dutch Edition (see ante, p. xiii) contains some

additional Plates.

ERRATA ET CORRIGENDA.

Page 53, note i, also page 78, for identification of the fourth mine,
see p. 476.

94, line 18, for if read \\.

97, note 2, for Sol gd read Sol o.çd.

98, note, line l,for 133 \ read 133$.
144, note, line 2, for of read in.

159, note 1, line n, for pp. 336 and 690 read 246 and 306.
206, note, for Kulliani read Callian Bandar.
260, note 3, for Arduiel read Ardeuil.
282, note 3, for Asia read Assam.

TRAVELS IN INDIA

CHAPTER XII1

Concerning the articles of merchandise yielded by tJie
Empire of the Great Mogul and the Kingdoms of
Golconda and Bijapur and other neighbouring
territories.

I can easily believe that those who have previously
written on the condition of the Empire of the Great
Mogul did not feel themselves called upon to give a full
list of all the articles of merchandise which it furnishes
to foreigners. This I shall endeavour to do according
to the information I have acquired during the long
years I have passed in different journeys in these
countries. The reader will, without doubt, cheerfully
approve of this research which I have made with so
much care, particularly if he is connected with com-
merce, and if he desires to know what art and nature
produce that is curious, in different places, in order to
subserve the human race.

It is necessary to remember here, what I have
remarked at the commencement of the first book,
touching the weights and measures which are used in

1 In the English translation by John Phillips of 1684, this chapter
is numbered x, the two preceding ones having been omitted.

*i

VOL. II B

2 TRAVELS IN INDIA book ii

'•"J"-' India, where I have spoken of the maund and of the
seer} It is still necessary to say a word about the cubit}
The cubit is a measure for all goods which can be
measured by the ell, and there are different kinds,
as we have different kinds of ells in Europe. It is
.# divided into 24 tassus} and as the greater part of the
goods of India are delivered at Surat, there is repre-
sented on the margin a figure of the fourth part of a
cubit of the town of Surat, divided into six tassus.

I ought to commence this list of goods with the
most precious of all, namely diamonds and coloured
•" stones ; but, as that subject is somewhat extensive, and
is the most important of my accounts, I shall give it
separate treatment, and only mention in this chapter
silks, cloths, cottons, spices, and drugs, which are the
five classes which include all the kinds of merchandise
. obtained from India.

. <

*

Concerning Silks.

Kàsimbâzàr,4 a village in the Kingdom of Bengal,
can furnish about twenty-two thousand (22,000) bales
'•' of silk annually, each bale weighing one hundred (100)
livres. The 22,000 bales weigh 2,200,000 livres at
16 onces to the livre. The Dutch generally took,
either for Japan or for Holland, 6000 to 7000 bales
of it, and they would have liked to get more, but the

1 See Appendix, vol. i.

2 Cobit in the original. According to the figure here given by
Tavernier of a quarter of a cubit, its length must have been 27^ in.
The ordinary hdth of India, measured from the top of the middle finger
to the elbow, is 18 in., but is sometimes increased by the width of the
hand or of three fingers.

3 Tassots in the original.

4 Kasembazar in original, elsewhere Cosenbazar, for Kâsimbdzâr.

chap, xii SILKEN FABRICS

merchants of Tartary and of the whole Mogul Empire
opposed their doing so, for these merchants took
as much as the Dutch, and the balance remained with
the people of the country for the manufacture of their
own stuffs. All these silks are brought to the Kingdom
of Gujarat, and the greater part come to Ahmadàbâd
and Surat, where they are Woven into fabrics.

Firstly, carpets of silk and gold, others of silk, gold,
and silver, and others altogether of silk, are made in
Surat. As for the woollen carpets, they are made at
Fatehpur,1 i 2 coss from Agra.

In the second place, satins with bands of gold and
silver, and others with bands of different colours, and
others all uniform are made there, and it is the same
with the taffetas.

Thirdly, patoles,2 which are stuffs of silk, very soft,
decorated all over with flowers of different colours,
are manufactured at Ahmadàbâd. They vary in price
from eight (8) to forty (40) rupees the piece. This is
one of the profitable investments of the Dutch, who do
not permit any member of their Company to engage in
private trade in it. They are exported to the Philip-
pines, Borneo, Java, Sumatra, and other neighbouring
countries.

1 Vettapour in the original, Fatehpur Sikri, which is 23 miles W.S.W.
of Agra. See vol. i, p. 89. It was founded as the Metropolis of the
Mogul Empire by Akbar in 1570. Previously it bore the name of
Sikri. Its magnificence is testified by the ruins of palaces and mosques,
which still attract many visitors. Its industries were numerous, including
silk spinning, weaving, and stone-cutting. At present the carpets pro-
duced there are of an inferior and coarse kind.

2 This is from the Kanarese pat tu da, " a silk cloth " (Yule-Burnell,
Anglo-Indian Glossary, Art " Patola"). Terry calls them pintadoes, and
extols the art displayed in stitching together " fresh coloured taffata and
pintadoes, and taffata and satin, with cotton wool between, to make
quilts." (A Voyage to East India, London 1777, p. 127.)

I

4 TRAVELS IN INDIA book ii

As for crude silks, it should be remarked that none
of them are naturally white except that of Palestine,
of which even the merchants of Aleppo and Tripoli
have difficulty in obtaining a small quantity. Thus
the silk of KàsimbAzàr is yellow, as are all the crude
silks which come from Persia and Sicily. But the
people of KàsimbAzàr know how to whiten theirs with a
lye made of the ashes of a tree which is called Adam s
fig,1 which makes it as white as the silk of Palestine.
The Dutch carry their silks and the other goods which
they obtain in Bengal by the canal which goes from
KàsimbAzàr to the Ganges, and this canal is nearly
15 leagues long. There remains an equal distance to
descend by the Ganges to H ugly, where they ship
their goods on board their vessels.

Concerning Cotton Cloths, and first of the painted

fabrics called Chites.2

The chiles or painted cotton cloths which are called
calmendar^ that is to say, made with a brush, are
made in the Kingdom of Golconda, and especially in
the neighbourhood of Masulipatam ; but the quantity
made is so small that when one places in requisition
all the workers who make these cotton cloths it is with
difficulty that he can obtain as much as three bales.

The chites which are made in the Empire of the

1 Adam's fig is a translation of the Portuguese name for the plantain,
Musa paradisiac a. The Muhammadans believe that its leaves were
used by Adam and Eve to clothe themselves with in the Garden of Eden.
Hence the name. The ash of the plantain resembles that of the potato,
as it contains both potash and soda salts, and the percentage of phos-
phoric acid and magnesia is said to be about the same in both.

2 Chintzes.

3 Properly kalamdary derived from kalam, H in., a pen or brush.

chap, xii COTTON CLOTHS

Great Mogul are printed, and are of different degrees
of beauty, both on account of the printing and the fine-
ness of the cotton cloth. Those made at Lahore are
the coarsest of all, and consequently the cheapest.
They are sold by corgesyl a corge consisting of 20
pieces, and costing from 16 to 30 rupees. The chiles
which are made at Sironj are sold at from 20 to 60
rupees the corge or thereabouts.

All the chiles of which I am about to speak are
printed cotton cloths, of which bedcovers are made,
and also sufras or tablecloths, according to the custom
of the country, pillowcases, pocket - handkerchiefs,
and especially waistcoats for the use of both men
and women, principally in Persia.

The chiles of bright colours are made at Burhàn-
pur. They are made into handkerchiefs, which are
at present much used by those who take snuff, and a
sort of veil called ormis? which the women through-
out Asia use to put on their heads and about their
necks.

The 6a/lasts or cotton cloths to be dyed red, blue,
or black, are taken uncoloured to Agra and Ah-
madàbàd, because these two towns are near the places
where the Indigo is made, which is used in dyeing,
and they cost from 2 rupees the piece up to 30 or 40
rupees, according to the fineness and the gold at both
ends, and in some also on the sides. The Indians
know how to pass some of these cloths through a
certain water which causes them to appear like a
waved camlet, and these pieces are the dearest.

These kinds of cotton cloth, which cost from 2 to

1 Probably from &ort\ Hin., a score. 2 Or ornis (see vol. i, p. 52).

3 Bas tas in the original, for Baftas (see vol. i, p. 66).

6 TRAVELS IN INDIA book ii

12 rupees the piece, are exported to the coast of
Melinde,1 and they constitute the principal trade done
by the Governor of Mozambique, who sells them to
the Cafres to carry into the country of the Abyssins
and the Kingdom of Saba,2 because these people, not
using soap, need only simply rinse out these cloths.

Those which cost 12 rupees and upwards are
exported to the Philippines, Borneo, Java, Sumatra,
and other islands. The women of these islands have
for their sole garment a piece of this cotton cloth,
which, without cutting, one end serves as a petticoat,
and the remainder is wound round the waist and head.

White Cotton Cloths.

White cotton cloths come partly from Agra and the
vicinity of Lahore, partly from Bengal, and some from
Baroda, Broach, Renonsari,3 and other places. They
come in a crude condition to Renonsari and Broach,
where they have the means of bleaching them in large
fields, and on account of the quantity of lemons
growing in the neighbourhood, for cotton cloths can
never be well bleached if they are not steeped in lemon
juice.

The cotton cloths which come from Agra, Lahore,

1 Or Melinda, more properly Malinda, an Arab town on the east
coast of Africa in S. Lat. 30 9'. (See for notice Yule-Burnell, Anglo-
Indian Glossary.)

2 Abyssinia and Saba which was probably the Sabcea of Strabo,
occupying a large portion of Southern Arabia.

8 With reference to this place, Col. Yule informs me that it is Nosari
or Navasâri, and that Van Twist, in his General Description of India
(1638), says that it was 6 Dutch miles (24 English) to the south of
Surat, and produced much coarse cloth.

chap, xii COTTON CLOTHS

and Bengal are sold by corges, and they cost from 16
up to 300 or 400 rupees and more, according as the
merchant directs them to be made.

The cotton cloths which come from Renonsari
and Broach are 2 1 cubits long when crude, but only
20 cubits when bleached. Those of Baroda are 20
cubits when crude, and 19^ when bleached.

All the cotton cloths or baftas which come from
these three towns are of two kinds ; for there are both
broad and narrow kinds, and it is the narrow of which
I have just spoken, and which are sold at from 2 to 6
mahmûdis each.

The broad baftas are \\ cubit wide, and the piece
is 20 cubits long. They are commonly sold at from 5
to 1 2 mahmûdis, but the merchant on the spot is able
to have them made much wider and finer, and up to
the value of 500 mahmûdis the piece. In my time I
have seen two pieces of them sold, for each of which
1000 mahmûdis were paid. The English bought one
and the Dutch the other, and they were each of
twenty-eight (28) cubits. MuhammaB Ali Beg, when
returning to Persia from his embassy to India, pre-
sented Cha Sefi II1 with a cocoa-nut of the size of
an ostrich's egg, enriched with precious stones ; and
when it was opened a turban was drawn from it 60
cubits in length, and of a muslin so fine that you would
scarcely know what it was that you had in your hand.2
On returning from one of my voyages, I had the
curiosity to take with me an ounce of thread, of which

1 Shah Safi or Safvi II. Tavernier describes him in the Persian
Travels, Paris Ed., 1676, p. 524.

2 This must have been like the famous Dacca muslins, upon which
such names as db rowan, flowing water, were conferred.

10 TRAVELS IN INDIA book ii

resembles hemp. It is cut three times in the year,
and the first cutting takes place when it is about 2 or
3 feet high ; and it is cut to within 6 inches of the
ground. The first leaf is without doubt better than
those which follow, the second yielding less by 10 or
J 12 per cent than the first, and the third 20 per cent

} less than the second. It is classified by the colour, as

seen when a morsel of the paste is broken. The colour
; of the indigo made from the first crop is of a violet-

blue, which is more brilliant and more lively than the
others, and that of the second is more lively than that of
the third. But besides this difference, which causes a
considerable effect on the price, the Indians manipulate
the weight and quality, as I shall elsewhere explain.

After the Indians have cut the plant they throw it
into tanks made of lime,1 which becomes so hard that
one would say that they were made of a single piece
of marble. The tanks are generally from 80 to 100
paces in circuit, and when half- full with water, or
a little more, they are filled up with the cut plant.
The Indians mix it and stir it up with the water every
day until the leaf (for the stem is of no account)
becomes reduced into slime or greasy earth. This done
they allow it to rest for some days, and when they see
that all has sunk to the bottom and that the water is
clear above, they open the holes made round the tank
to allow the water to escape. Next, the water having
been drawn off, they fill baskets with the slime, after
which, in a level field, each man is to be seen near his
basket taking this paste in his fingers, and moulding it
into pieces of the shape and size of a hen's egg cut in

1 The indigo vats are faced with " chunam " (lime), which, especially
when made from shells, produces a marble-like surface.

chap, xii INDIGO 11

two— that is to say, flat below and pointed above. * But
as for the indigo of Ahmadàbàd, it is flattened and
made into the shape of a small cake. This is to be
particularly remarked, that the merchants, in order to
escape paying custom on useless weight, before send-
ing the indigo from Asia to Europe are careful to sift
it, in order to remove the dust attached to it, which
they afterwards sell to the people of the country, who
make use of it in their dyes. Those who are employed
to sift the indigo observe great precautions, for while
so occupied they hold a cloth in front of the face, and
take care that all their orifices are well closed, only
leaving two small holes in the cloth for the eyes, to see
what they are doing. Moreover, both those who sift
the indigo and the writers or sub -merchants of the
Company who watch them sifting, have to drink milk
every hour, this being a preservative against the
subtlety of the indigo. All these precautions do not
prevent those who are occupied for eight or ten days,
sifting indigo, from having all that they expectorate
coloured blue for some time. I have indeed on more
than one occasion observed that if an egg is placed in
the morning near one of these sifters, in the evening,
when one breaks it, it is altogether blue inside, so
penetrating is the dust of indigo.

According as the men take paste from the baskets
with their fingers steeped in oil, and mould it in pieces,
they expose them to the sun to dry. And when the
merchants buy the indigo they always burn some pieces
in order to see if there is any sand mixed with it. For
the peasants who take the paste out of the baskets to
separate it into pieces, after they have dipped their
hands in oil, place it in the sand, which mingles with

12 TRAVELS IN INDIA book ii

the paste and makes it heavier ; and when burnt the
indigo becomes a cinder and the sand remains entire.
The Governors do all they can to stop this fraud, but
there are always some who practise it.

Concerning Saltpetre.

Saltpetre comes in abundance from Agra and from
Patna, a town of Bengal ; and that which is refined
costs three times as much as that which is not. The
Dutch have established a depot at Chaprà,1 which is
1 4 leagues above Patna ; and the saltpetre being
refined there, they send it by river to H ugly. They
imported boilers from Holland, and employed refiners
to refine the saltpetre for themselves ; but have not
succeeded, because the people of the country, seeing
that the Dutch wished to deprive them of the profits
of refining, would not supply them any longer with
whey, without the aid of which the saltpetre cannot be
bleached, for it is worth nothing at all if it is not very
white and very transparent. A maund of saltpetre
costs 7 mahmûdis.2

Concerning Spues.

Cardamom, ginger, pepper, nutmegs, mace, cloves,
and cinnamon are the several kinds of spices which

1 Choupar in the original (see vol. i, p. 122). The crude saltpetre is
obtained in India by lixiviation of the soil on deserted and even occupied
village sites. It consists of the potash nitrate, and a simple explanation
may be given of the chemical reaction which produces it. The nitro-
genous waste of the village being brought into contact with potash
derived from wood-ash, the ammonia is converted into nitric acid, which
combines with the potash, and the salt so formed permeates the soil.
A century ago most of the saltpetre of the world which was used for
gunpowder came from India. Now there are other sources of supply.

2 Le. 5s. 3d. for 34 livres.

chap, xii SPICES 13

are known to us. I place cardamom and ginger as the
two first, because cardamom grows in the Kingdom of
Bijapur and ginger in that of the Great Mogul, and
the other kinds of spices are imported from abroad to
Surat, where they constitute an important article of
commerce.

Cardamom is the best kind of spice, but is very
scarce, and as but a small quantity is grown in the
place I have indicated, it is only used in Asia at
the tables of the nobles. 500 livres of cardamom are
sold at from 100 to no reals}

Ginger comes in large quantities from Ahmadàbàd,
where it grows in greater abundance than in any other
part of Asia, and it is difficult to realise the quantity
which is exported in a candied condition to foreign
countries.

Pepper is of two kinds, one of small size, and the
other much larger ; these are respectively called small
and large pepper. The large kind is chiefly from
Malabar, and Tuticorin and Calicut are the towns
where it is purchased. Some of it also comes from
the Kingdom of Bijapur, and is sold at RAjapur,2 a
small town of that kingdom. The Dutch who purchase
it from the Malabaris do not pay in cash for it, but
exchange for it many kinds of merchandise, as cotton,
opium, vermilion, and quicksilver, and it is this large
pepper which is exported to Europe. As for the
small pepper which comes from Bantam, Achin, and

1 I*, with the real at 4s. 6d., ^22 : 10s. to ^24 : 1 5s.

2 Regapour in the original is Râjâpur in the Ratnâgiri District.
As a port its importance has much diminished, it being now inaccessible
for large vessels by the creek which connects it with the sea, 1 5 miles
distant. In 1660-61 and 1670 it and the English factory were sacked
by Sivaji. (See Imperial Gazetteer, vol. xi, p. 385.)

i

I

i 14 TRAVELS IN INDIA book ii
/

I other places eastwards, it is not sent out of Asia, where

i. much is consumed, especially by the Muhammadans.

For in a pound of small pepper there are double the
number of seeds that there are in a pound of the large ;
and the more grains in the pillaus, into which they

1 are thrown by the handful, the more are seen, besides

which the large pepper is too hot for the mouth.1

This small pepper, delivered at Surat, has been
in some years sold at the rate of 13 or 14 mahmudis

\ the maund? and I have seen it bought at this price by

the English, who export it to Hormuz, BassorA, and
the Red Sea. As for the large pepper which the
Hollanders fetch from the coast of Malabar, 500
livres* of it brings them only 38 reals y but on the
merchandise which they give in exchange they gain
100 per cent.

One can get it for the equivalent in money of 28
or 30 reals cash, but to purchase it in that way would
be much more costly than the Dutch method. As for
large pepper, without going beyond the territories of the
Great Mogul there is enough to be obtained in the
Kingdom of Gujarat, and it is generally sold at the
rate of from 12 to 15 mahmûdis the maund.* The
wood of long pepper costs but four mahmudis.

Nutmeg, mace, clove, and cinnamon are the only
spices which the Dutch have in their own hands. The
three first come from the Molucca Islands, and the
fourth, i.e. cinnamon, comes from the island of Ceylon.

i

*
1

1 It may be remarked that the whole -pepper obtained in the
Bazaars, and commonly used in cookery in India, is a much smaller,
less pungent, and generally inferior seed to that which comes to Europe.

2 9s. 8d. to 1 os. 6d. per 34 livres^ with the mahmtidi at 9d.

3 /.*. £6 : 6s. to £6 : 1 5s.

4 9s. to 1 os. 6d. for 34 livres.

chap, xii NUTMEGS 15

There is one thing remarkable about the nutmeg,
namely, that the tree is never planted. This has been
confirmed to me by many persons who have dwelt for
many years in the country. They have assured me
that when the nuts are ripe certain birds which arrive
from the islands to the south swallow them whole,
and reject them afterwards without having digested
them, and that these nuts, being then covered by a
viscous and sticky substance, fall to the ground, take
root, and produce trees, which would not happen if
they were planted in the ordinary way.1 I have here
a remark to make upon the subject of the Bird of
Paradise. These birds, which are very fond of the
nutmeg, assemble in numbers in the season to gorge
themselves with it, and they arrive in flocks as flights of
field-fares do during the vintage. As this nut is strong
it intoxicates these birds and causes them to fall dead
upon the spot, and immediately the ants which abound
in the country eat off their feet. It is on this account
that it is commonly said that a Bird of Paradise with
feet2 has never been seen. This is, however, not

1 This is so far true as regards the fact that the great fruit-eating
pigeons are able to swallow large fruits, the stones of which they
afterwards reject. These pigeons belong to the genera Carpophaga
and Myristicivora^ and I have often been amazed at the wide gape
and the mobility of the articulation of the jaws of these birds. When
wounded I have seen them disgorge very large fruits. Several species
occur in the Andaman and Nicobar Islands, and other allied species
in the Malayan Archipelago. That these birds aid in propagating
plants in remote islands by conveying the seeds cannot be doubted.

2 As is well known, the true origin of this fable about the apodas is,
that the natives who prepare the plumes of the birds of paradise for
decorative purposes remove the feet from the skins, and as the birds
were in early times only known by these dried and stitched-up skins,
the idea spread that they had no feet. Tavernier's explanation shows
the tenacity of the myth.

16 TRAVELS IN INDIA book ii

precisely true, for I have seen three or four with their
feet intact, upon which the ants had not had time to
operate.

A French merchant, named Contour, sent one
which had feet, from Aleppo, to King Louis XIII,
who prized it much as it was so beautiful.

But notwithstanding all the Dutch can do to pre-
vent it, you can obtain cloves at Macassar, in the
Isle of Celebes, without the spice passing through
their hands, because the islanders buy in secret from
the captains and soldiers of the forts belonging to
the Dutch at the places where the cloves grow, taking
them in exchange rice and other necessaries of life,
without which they would be unable to subsist, being
miserably supported. Whilst commerce was vigor-
ously pushed by the English, they acted as though their
object was to destroy that of the Dutch. After having
bought a parcel of cloves at Macassar they sent them
to all the places where the Dutch were accustomed to
sell them, and giving them at a cheap price, and some-
times even at a loss, by this means they ruined the clove
trade of the Dutch. For it is an established custom
in India that the first who fixes the price of any article
of merchandise constrains all others, by his example,
to sell at the same rate during the year. It is for this
reason that the Dutch have established a factory at
Macassar, where their officers raise the price of cloves
as much as they can when the King of the Island
opens the sale. They make considerable presents to the
King in order to induce him to uphold the price, which
neither the English nor the Portuguese, in the miser-
able state in which their affairs are to-day, are able to
prevent.

chap, xii CLOVES 17

Whenever the people of Macassar have cloves
they pay for the goods brought to them with that
spice ; payment is also made with tortoiseshell, which
is in great demand in all the Empire of the Mogul
and in Europe : it is also made with gold dust, by
which there is 6 or 7 per cent to be gained instead of
its being lost on the money of the island, although it
be gold, because the King adulterates it too much.
The four places where cloves grow in abundance are
the land of Amboine, the land of Ellias, the land of
Seram, and the land of Bouro.1

The Islands of Banda, which are six in number,
known as Nero, Lontour, Pouleay, Roseguin,
Polleron, and Grenapuis,2 bear nutmegs in great
abundance. The Island of Grenapuis is about 6
leagues in circuit, and culminates in a peak from
whence much fire issues. The Island of Damne,3 where
the nutmeg also grows in great abundance and of large
size, was discovered in the year 1647 by Abel Tasman,
a Dutch commander.

The prices of cloves and nutmegs, as I have seen
them sold to the Dutch in Surat in certain years, were
as follows : — The maund of Surat is equal to 40 seers %
which make 34 of our livres at 1 6 onces to the livre.

A maund of cloves was sold for 1 03^ mahmûdis.

1 Amboyna, Gilolo ? Ceram, and Boeroe (or Bum), islands in the
Molucca Sea.

2 Pulo Nera {i.e. island of palm wine) ; Lontar (the name of a
palm) ; Pulo Ai or Pulo Wai (i.e. water-island) ; Rosingen (Rosolanguim
of De Barros) ; Pulo Run (or Rung, i.e. chamber island) ; and Gunung-
api (fire-mountain or volcano). These, with four others, constitute the
Banda group. (Crawfurd, Diet.)

8 I cannot identify this. Tasman discovered Van Diemen's Land,
but nutmegs can hardly grow there ; possibly Tavernier has made some
mistake.

VOL. II C

18 TRAVELS IN INDIA book n

A maund of mace was sold for 157^ niahmûdis

nutmegs „ 562 »*

All the cinnamon comes at present from the Island
of Ceylon. The tree which produces it closely re-
sembles our willows and has three barks. The first
and second only are removed, and the latter is con-
sidered to be much the best. As for the third, it is not
touched, for if the knife cuts it it causes the tree to
die. This is an art which the natives learn from their
youth. The cinnamon costs the Dutch more than is
generally believed. For the King of the Island of
Ceylon, who is otherwise called King of Kandy,2 from
the name of the capital town, being a sworn enemy of
the Dutch because they did not keep their promise
with him, as I have elsewhere related, sends troops
every year with the intention of surprising them when
they go to collect the cinnamon. It is for this reason
that the Dutch are obliged to have 1500 or 1600 armed
men to defend an equal number of men while engaged
in removing the bark of the cinnamon, and they are
obliged to feed these labourers for all the remainder of
the year in addition to the expenditure on the garrisons
in several parts of the island. These great outlays
enhance the price of the cinnamon ; it was not so in
the time of the Portuguese, who had not all this
expenditure, but placed all to profit. The cinnamon
tree bears a fruit like an olive, but it is not eaten.
The Portuguese used to gather quantities of it, which
they placed in chaldrons with water together with the
small points of the ends of the branches, and they

1 Equal respectively to ^3:17:6, £5 : 18 : 1 J, and ^2:2:4 per
4 livres.

* Or Candy, as in the original.

■eaj

chap, xii DRUGS 19

boiled the whole till the water was evaporated when
cooled, the upper portion of what remained was like a
paste of white wax, and at the bottom of the chaldron
there was camphor. Of this paste they made tapers,
which they used in the churches during the service at the
annual festivals, and as soon as the tapers were lighted
all the church was perfumed with an odour of cinnamon.
They have often sent them to Lisbon for the Kings
chapel. Formerly the Portuguese procured cinnamon
from the countries belonging to Rajas in the neigh-
bourhood of Cochin.1 But since the Dutch have taken
this town, and have become masters of the coast of
Ceylon, where the cinnamon grows, seeing that that
of the neighbourhood of Cochin injured the trade,
because, not being so good as that of Ceylon, it was
sold at a low price, they destroyed all the places where
it grew, and thus there is no cinnamon now but that of
Ceylon, which is altogether in their hands. When the
Portuguese held this coast the English bought cinnamon
from them and ordinarily paid 50 mahmûdis for a
maund}

Concerning tJie drugs obtainable at Su rat, and those
imported from foreign countries, with the price of
each, per maund.

Sal Ammoniac costs per maund according to the

ordinary price ....... 20 mahmûdis.

Borax, like the preceding, is brought from Ahmad-

âbàd3 without being refined, and costs per maund 35 „

1 Bastard cinnamon. (See vol. i, p. 234.)

2 £1 : 17 :6.

8 Probably brought to Ahmadâbâd from Thibet, but I have seen a
statement as to its occurrence in Kathiâwâr, which, however, requires
confirmation. (Vide Economic Geology of India, p. 498.)

20

TRAVELS IN INDIA

BOOK II

»

»

»

»

Gum-lac,1 of which I shall speak below

washed ......

in sticks of sealing-wax.
Some kinds cost 50 and 60 mahmudis per maundy
and even more when musk is added to it.

Saffron 2 of Surat, which is only used for colours

White Cumin 3 .

Black Cumin ......

Arlet* small ......

Incense,5 from the Arabian coast .

MirrAa.6 The good quality called Mirrha-gilet

Mirrha-bolte, from Arabia ....

v^assia .......

Sugar-Candy ......

Asutinat* a kind of grain which is very hot .

Fenouil* (Fr.), large .....
„ small and very hot

Oupelote}0 root .

Cointre}x .......

Auzerout,12 from Persia ....

l\ mahmudis.
10

40

4*
8

3

3

3

30

i5

2

18
1

3£

1*

14

5
120

»

»»

>»

>>

»

>»

>»

»>

»

»>

»»

>>

»

j)

>»

»>

»

1 Shellac, produced on certain trees by the Coccus lacca.

2 Saffron consists of the stigmas of Crocus satwus, L., which was
an article of trade at the time the "Pcriplus" was written, and has been
cultivated in the East ever since.

3 The fruit of Cuminum cyminum, L., a small annual indigenous to
the Upper Nile regions, spread by cultivation to Arabia, India, China,
etc. (Fluckiger and Hanbury, Pharmacographia^ p. 295.)

4 Not identified.

5 The gum resin (plibanum) of Boswellia floribunda, Endl.

6 The precise nature of the trees yielding myrrh is somewhat doubt-
ful. Two varieties from Africa are called Hcera Bol (true myrrh) and
Bissa Bol (an inferior variety). Arabian myrrh is obtained to the east
of Aden (see Fluckiger and Hanbury, Pkarmacographia),

7 The fruit of Cassia fistula, L. 8 Not identified.

9 The fruit of Pimpinella am'sum, L., cultivated in India.

10 Cos/us or kostus, the root of Aucklandia cos fus.

11 Possibly kundur, i,e. frankincense, obtained from Boswellia flori-
bunda, but that has already been enumerated.

12 For Anzarut, a gum-resin once known to Europeans as a drug
under the name sarcocolla. According to Ainslie {Materia Medica, vol.
i, p. 381) it is derived from Penœa mucronata, Lin., which yields it by
spontaneous exudation ; it is a native of Africa. It was used by the

chap, xii SHELLAC 21

Aloes Sucotrin,1 from Arabia

Reglisse 2 (Fr.) 4

Vez Cabouli* a kind of root .12

Aloe-wood,4 in large pieces . .200

„ in small pieces ..... 400

There is a sort of aloe-wood which, if very oily,

costs per maund ..... 4000

28 mahmudis.

19
11
11
19

11

I shall now make some special remarks about gum-
lac, sugar, opium, tobacco, and coffee.

Gum-lac 5 for the most part comes from Pegu, but
it also comes from the Kingdom of Bengal; and it
is dearer in the latter places because the inhabitants
of the country extract from it that beautiful scarlet
colour 6 which they use to dye and paint their cotton

Arabs for healing wounds, and by Mesue it was believed to have
cathartic properties. According to Dymock's Vegetable Motet ia Medica,
2d Ed., Bombay 1885, it is still largely used by the natives of Western
India. I am indebted to Colonel Yule for the two last identifications.

1 Socotrine aloes, prepared from the juice of Aloe Socotrina, Linn.

2 Liquorice.

8 Possibly for dish, Sanskrit visita, i.e. poison, Aconite root.

4 Bois cP aloes. This is the Lign Aloes of Latin writers and
the Lignum Aloes of the Bible, it is quite distinct from the modern
aloes, being the inside of the trunk of Aquilaria ovata and A. Agal-
lochum, which contain a fragrant resinous substance of dark colour. It
was formerly generally used both for incense and for medicinal purposes,
but is now only esteemed in the East. From the Portuguese term agila
or agm'la has come the popular name " eagle -wood." There is an
account of it in Royle's Illustrations, etc., and Garcias de Orta devotes
his 30th Colloquy to it under the title Linaloes. It is described very
concisely in the Anglo-Indian Glossary, Art. " Eagle-wood." It is used
in the manufacture of the incense-sticks from Burmah, which are now
well known in Europe.

5 I have elsewhere identified the "HAckt/jov of Ktesias with shellac.
(See " On the Identification of the Animals and Plants of India, which
were known to Early Greek Authors," Proc. Royal Irish Academy, 2d
series, vol. ii, No. 6, p. 331 ; and for an account of the production and
manufacture of shellac in Bengal, see Jungle Life in India, p. 308.)

6 The dye consists of the bodies of the female coccus which alone
secretes the lac.

22 TRAVELS IN INDIA book ii

cloths. Nevertheless the Dutch buy it to export to
Persia, where it is used to produce the same colour
which the Persians employ in their dyes. That which
remains after the colour is extracted is only used to
embellish toys l made in the lathe, of which the people
are very fond, and to make sealing-wax ; and be it
for the one or the other purpose, they mix whatever
colour they desire with it. That which comes from
Pegu is the cheapest, though it is as good as that of
other countries ; what causes it to be sold cheaper is
that the ants, making it there on the ground in heaps,
which are sometimes of the size of a cask,2 mix with it
a quantity of dirt. On the other hand, in Bengal, the
district from whence they bring the lac being a kind
of heath full of shrubs, the ants secrete it round the
ends of branches, which makes it fair and clean, and
it is consequently dearer. The inhabitants of Pegu do
not employ it as a dye because they receive their cotton
cloths ready dyed from Bengal and Masulipatam ;
and, moreover, they are so uncivilised that they do not
engage in any art.8 There are many women at Surat
who gain their livelihood by preparing lac after the
colour has been extracted. They give it whatever
colour they wish, and make it into sticks like Spanish
wax. The English and Dutch Companies export
about 150 chests annually. Lac in sticks does not

1 Such as the Benares toys, nests of boxes, etc., of the present The
coloured lac is applied in sticks to the wood surfaces as they revolve in
the lathe, after which they require only to be burnished.

2 This description may be due to some confusion about white ants'
nests. I have failed to find any peculiarity ascribed to the Burmah lac
which would explain the passage.

3 Tavernier probably knew very little of Pegu, which he never
visited. Had he done so he would have found certain arts flourishing
there.

chap, xii TOBACCO AND COFFEE 23

cost more than 10 sols the livre, and it is worth 10 sols
the once in France, though it be half mixed with resin.

Moist sugar is exported in quantity from the King-
dom of Bengal, and there is great traffic in it at
H ugly, Patna, Dacca, and in other places. On the
occasion of my last visit to India I went very far into
Bengal even up to the frontiers of the neighbouring
states. I heard a thing from many old people of the
country which should be recorded. It is that sugar
kept for thirty years becomes poison, and that there is
nothing more dangerous or prompter in producing
effect.1 Loaf-sugar is made at Ahmadàbàd, where the
people understand how to refine it ; and it is called
on this account royal sugar. These loaves of sugar
generally weigh from 8 to 10 livres.

Opium comes from Burhànpur, a good mercantile
town between Surat and Agra. The Dutch go there
for it, and exchange their pepper for it.

Tobacco 2 also grows abundantly in the neighbour-
hood of Burhànpur; and in certain years I have
known the people to neglect saving it because they had
too much, and they allowed half [the crop] to decay.

Coffee grows neither in Persia nor in India.8

1 It is not unlikely that there may be still a belief to this effect in
India. I think I have heard something of the same kind about rice
when kept beyond a certain time. Possibly they both originate in some
proverbial saying having reference to storing up articles of food too long.

2 The practice of smoking tobacco, which was first learnt by the
Spaniards from the Cuban Indians in the year 1492, was introduced
into Turkey, Egypt, and India about the end of the 1 6th century ; and
it spread steadily, though opposed by the severest enactments of both
Christian and Muhammadan governments. (See Fluckiger and Han-
bury, Pharmacographia.)

3 It is perhaps needless to point out that this was written two
centuries before the cultivation of coffee became an important industry
in Ceylon and Southern India.

24 TRAVELS IN INDIA book 11

Nevertheless, since some Indian vessels load up with
it on their return from Mecca, I give it place here
amongst the drugs. The principal trade in it is at
Hormuz and Bassora, where the Dutch, when return-
ing empty from Mocha, load up as much as they can,
it being an article which they sell well. From Hormuz
it is exported to Persia, and even to Great Tartary ;
and from Bassora it is distributed in Chaldee, in
Arabia along the course of the Euphrates, in Meso-
potamia, and other Turkish provinces, — for as for India,
it is but little used there. Coffee, which means wine
in the Arabian tongue, is a kind of bean which grows
at eight days journey from Mocha, on the road to
Mecca. Its use was first discovered by a hermit
named Sheikh Siadeli (i.e. Sayid Ali), some 120 years
ago or thereabouts ; for before him there is no author,
ancient or modern, who has mentioned it.1

All goods in coming from Agra to Surat, for
despatch of bills of exchange at 5 per cent, for packing,

1 Coffee was first mentioned in European literature in 1573 by
Ruwolf. Seventy years later a sample of it was brought from Con-
stantinople to Marseilles by Thevenot. It was first brought to Aden by
Sheikh Shihâbuddin Dhabhâni, who died in 1470, hence it is concluded
that its introduction was about the middle of the fifteenth century.
Niebuhr states that it was first brought from Kaffa in Abyssinia to
Yemen by Arabs. It appears to have been cultivated principally at
Jabal, whence it was conveyed to Mocha. The Arabic name is kahwa,
pronounced kahveh by the Turks. The plant itself is called bun. As
Tavernier says, the name kahtua was originally applied to wine. ( Vide
Yule-Burnell, Anglo-Indian Glossary.) Terry's account of the use of coffee
in India in his time is of sufficient interest to be quoted in full : — " Many
of the people there who are strict in their religion drink no wine at all ;
but they use a liquor, more wholesome than pleasant, they call coffee,
made by a black seed boiled in water, which turns it almost into the
same colour, but doth very little alter the taste of the water. Notwith-
standing, it is very good to help digestion, to quicken the spirits, and to
cleanse the blood." (A Voyage to India, London Ed., 1777, pp. 1 00-101.)

chap, xii GOLD AND SILVER 25

carriage, and customs, according to their classes, are
charged from 15 to 20 per cent.

All the gold and silver, whether in ingots or coin,
pays 2 per cent on entering Surat.1 The merchant
does what he can to avoid this charge ; nevertheless,
when caught, he is let off with paying double and
nothing more. The Princes would like to confiscate
the whole sum, but the judges are opposed, and main-
tain that Muhammad forbade all custom dues and
interest on money. I have spoken fully in the second
chapter of the first book of the custom dues, the
money, both gold and silver, and the weights and
measures of India, to which I refer the reader.

1 See vol. i, p. 8.

CHAPTER XIII

Concerning t lie frauds which can be practised in manu-
factures, wJietlier by tlte roguery of the workers or
the knavery of the brokers and buyers.

I shall follow in this chapter the same order as I
have observed in the preceding, with the object of
making plain, for the benefit of the merchant, all the
frauds which can be effected in silk, cotton cloths,
cotton, and indigo, for there are none in the case of
spices and drugs.

Frauds in Silken Stuffs.

Silken stuffs can vary in breadth, length, and
quality. The length and breadth are ascertainable by
measurement, the quality depends upon whether they
are uniformly woven, whether the weight is equal, and
whether there is no cotton introduced into the web, as
the Indians very often introduce it.

The Indians, not knowing the art of gilding silver,
put into their striped stuffs threads of pure gold ; on
this account it is necessary to count the number of
threads to see if the stuff contains the requisite quantity,
and the same should be done in the case of stuffs
striped with silver. As for taffetas, it is only necessary
to see whether they have a uniform fineness, and next

chap, xiii FRAUDS IN COTTON CLOTHS 27

to unfold some of them to see if they contain any
foreign substance to increase the weight, after which,
each piece should be weighed separately, in order to
ascertain whether it is of proper weight.

It is in Ahmadâbàd where, as I have said, an
abundance of these stuffs is made of gold and silk,
silver and silk, and of silk alone, and carpets * of gold
and silver and silk, but the colours of these carpets do
not last so long as those of the carpets which are made
in Persia. As for the workmanship, it is equally
beautiful. It is for the eye of the broker to observe
the size, beauty, and fineness of the work in the
carpets worked with gold and silver, and he ought to
judge if it is good and rich. Finally, in the case of
carpets, and in other stuffs worked with gold and
silver, it is necessary to withdraw some threads to
prove them, and in order to see if they are of the
standard which they ought to be.

Fratids in Cotton Cloths, and, firstly, in White Cloths.

All the cotton cloths, both fine and coarse, which
the Dutch company order to be made in the Provinces
of the Empire of the Great Mogul, are brought in
bales to the storehouse at Surat, and delivered to the
broker about the months of October and November.

The frauds commonly perpetrated are in respect of
the fineness, the length, and the breadth. Each bale
may contain about 200 pieces, among which five or
six and up to ten pieces can be inserted of less fine

1 The word in the original here is tapis, which should perhaps be
translated otherwise than carpet, though that is the ordinary significa-
tion of the word. Perhaps table-covers are meant.

28 TRAVELS IN INDIA book ii

quality, thinner, shorter, or narrower than the sample
of the bale ; this cannot be ascertained without examin-
ation piece by piece. The fineness is judged by the
eye, the length and breadth by measurement. But
they practise in India a still greater refinement, which
is to count the number of the threads which ought
to be in the breadth according to the fineness of the
sample. When the number is lacking it is thinner or
narrower or coarser. The difference is sometimes so
imperceptible to the eye that it is difficult to discern it
without counting the threads,1 nevertheless this differ-
ence amounts to a considerable sum in the price of a
large quantity, for it requires but little to abate an
ecu or even two ecus on a piece when the price is from
15 to 20 ecus the piece. Those who bleach these
cloths, in order to save something for their profit on
the quantity of lemons which are required, beat the
cloths on stones, and when they are fine the beating
does them much injury and diminishes their price.

But it should be remarked that the Indians, when
making their cloths, if the piece is worth more than
2 ecus, insert at either end threads of gold and silver,
and the finer the cost, the more of these threads do
they insert, the price of which mounts to nearly as
high a figure as that of the cloth itself. It is for this
reason that it is necessary to forbid the workers to
insert these threads of gold in cloths ordered to be
made for export to France — this gold and silver,
which the Indians insert as an ornament in their cloths
and garments, being of no use to the French. But

1 The Manchester goods of the present day are subjected to the
same examination in India. It is a matter of some notoriety that fraud
in connection with them is not unknown.

chap, xiii FRAUDS IN COTTON CLOTHS 29

for the cloths which are ordered for Poland and
Muscovie, it is necessary to have this gold and silver
in the Indian style, because the Poles and Russians
will have nothing to do with the cloths if they have
not got the threads of gold and silver. It is necessary
also to take care that they do not become black, because
these peoples are unwilling to buy cloths when the
gold and silver are black.

As for the cloths dyed with indigo, either violet
or black, it is necessary to take care that the workers
do not blacken the threads of gold at the ends of
the pieces, and that they do not beat the pieces too
much after being folded, because they sometimes
beat them so much, in order to make them smooth,
that when one comes to unfold them he finds them
broken at each fold.

It should also be remarked that upon the fag end
of the pieces of cloth the Indians print with a seal and
gold leaf an Arabesque flower, which extends the
whole width of the piece. But if these pieces are
destined for France, it is necessary to forbid the
workers to impress this flower, which costs a half
piastrey and to save this sum on the price of the piece.
But if it is for exportation to the Indian islands, any-
where in Asia, or even to a certain part of America, it
is necessary that this flower should be on the fag end
of the pieces, and that it should be preserved entire,
because otherwise one is unable to sell them.

As for coloured and printed cloths, they are coloured
and printed while crude, and it is requisite to take
care that the work is accomplished before the end
of the rains, because the more the waters where
they are washed are disturbed, so much the more do

30 TRAVELS IN INDIA book n

the colours applied with a brush or printing block
remain vivid.1

It is easy to distinguish the cloths which are printed
from those done with a brush, and if the broker is
intelligent he will distinguish the difference in the
beauty of one painted cloth from another by the clean-
ness of the work. * But for the fineness and other
qualities of the stuff, they are more difficult to distin-
guish in them than in the white cloths, and conse-
quently it is necessary to observe more precaution.

Frauds practised in Cottons.

Cottons are the goods which are always first made
and the earliest delivered in the stores of Surat,
because they are all spun in the Province of Gujarat.
The frauds possible with them are in the weight and
quality. The fraud in the weight can be effected in
two ways, the first by putting it in a damp place, and
by inserting in the middle of each skein some substance
which increases the weight, the second in not weighing
it truly when the broker receives it from the worker
or from the merchant who delivers it.

The fraud in the quality is accomplished in but one
way, which is by inserting in every maund three or four
skeins of worse quality than that which is at the top,
and in a large quantity that may amount to something
considerable, for there is a variety of cotton thread
which costs up to ioo ecus the maund. As these two
frauds are practised very often on the Dutch Com-
pany, this is the precaution they are obliged to adopt.

1 In Book I, chap, iv, p. 56, this is differently stated, but apparently
it is so through an error in the mode of expression.

chap, xiii FRAUDS IN INDIGO 31

It is to weigh, in the presence of the Commander and
his counsel, and to examine carefully, each maund,
skein by skein, to see if there is any fraud in the
weight or quality. When that is done the Vice-Com-
mander and those who are appointed under him to
make this examination are obliged to attach to each
bale a statement of the weight and quality ; and when
the bale is opened in Holland, if there is anything
wanting in either of these respects, those who have
affixed the statement are obliged to pay the deficit.

Frauds practised in Indigo.

I have said1 that the natives withdraw the paste
from the baskets containing the indigo, and mould it,
with the fingers steeped in oil, into pieces, which
are then exposed in the sun to dry. The Indians
who wish to cheat the merchants place the pieces
on the sand to dry, so that the sand attaches itself
and the indigo then weighs more. They also some-
times place the paste in damp ground, which makes it
moist and consequently heavier. But when the
Governor of the place discovers these frauds, he
inflicts a heavy fine. Such frauds are easily dis-
covered by a Broker and Commander experienced in
the trade in this kind of merchandise by burning some
morsels of indigo, after which the sand which remains
becomes visible.

I have still to make a somewhat curious remark
touching the brokers of India. These brokers are
commonly,. as it were, chiefs of their families, for whom
they hold all the property in trust to turn it to

1 See p. 1 1.

32 TRAVELS IN INDIA book ii

account. For that reason those who have both the
most years and experience are selected, so that they
may be able to obtain benefits for all the kinsmen,
being both the depositaries and the guardians of their
goods. Every evening, after they have returned from
their business, and, according to the custom of the
Indians, who do not sup, have eaten some sweetmeats
and drunk a cup of water, the oldest of the kinsmen
assemble at the house of the broker, who renders an
account of what he has done during the day, and they
hold counsel together as to what should be done in the
future. He is especially exhorted to take care of
their business, and if possible to defraud rather than be
defrauded.

CHAPTER XIV

Concerning the Methods to be observed for establishing
a new Commercial Company in tJie East Indies.1

Should any nation desire to establish a Commercial
Company in the East Indies, before all things it
ought to secure a good station in the country in order
to be in a position to refit its ships, and to lay them
by during the seasons when one is unable to go to
sea. This want of a good harbour is the reason why
the English Company has not progressed so well as
it might have done, because it is impossible that a
vessel can last for two years without being refitted,
being subject to be eaten by worms.

But since the journey from Europe to the East
Indies is long, it is desirable that the Company should
have some place at the Cape of Good Hope for water-
ing and obtaining supplies of food, both when going
and returning from the Indies, but especially when
returning, because, as the vessels are then loaded, they
are unable to carry a supply of water sufficient for a
long time. In the meantime the Dutch have removed
this advantage from the [reach of] other nations, by
means of the fort which they have built at the Cape,
and the English have done the same thing at St.

1 This chapter is also introduced into the supplementary volume of
Tavernier's travels entitled Reciieil de plusieurs relations et traitez
singuliers et curieux^ etc., where it is somewhat modified in details.

VOL. II D

34 TRAVELS IN INDIA book ii

Helena, although, by the law of nations and the
general consent of the people of Europe, liberty to
use these two places of refreshment has been for
many years equally free to the whole world. Never-
theless, there may still be some mouth of a river near
the Cape where another fort might be constructed, and
this position would be worth more than all that can be
made in the island of Daufine,1 where there is no trade
except in the purchase of cattle for the sake of their
hides. But this trade is so insignificant that it would
quickly ruin any company, and the French have hitherto
engaged in it without any advantage to themselves.

The conjecture which causes me to make the above
suggestion is founded on the fact that in the year
1648 two Portuguese vessels coming from Lisbon to
India, desiring to touch at the Cape to take in water,
and not taking their observations correctly, the sea
being very high, entered a bay 18 or 20 leagues from
the Cape on the western side. They found in this
bay a river, the water of which is very good, and the
negroes of the country brought them supplies of all
kinds of river-birds, fish, and beef. They remained
there about fifteen days, and before leaving took
two of the inhabitants to convey them to Goa, in
order to teach them Portuguese, and endeavour to
draw from them some information as to the trade
which could be carried on there.2 The Dutch Com-

1 The island of Daufine of the original stands doubtless for the
Fort of Dauphin, on the south-east coast of Madagascar. It was held
by the French for some years, but was afterwards abandoned.

2 The details in vol. i, p. 216, differ from those here given. The
distance is there stated to be 30 leagues from the Cape; the only
conclusion which can be drawn is that this bay was a part of, or in the
vicinity of, Table Bay.

•w

chap, xiv DIU 35

mander at Surat asked me to go to Goa, in order to
ascertain what the Portuguese had learnt from these two
negroes ; but a French engineer named Saint Amand,1
who had the supervision of the forts at Goa, told me
that they had not been able to teach them a single
word of the language, and had only guessed from their
signs that they knew ambergris and elephant's tusks.
The Portuguese, nevertheless, did not doubt that they
would find gold if they were able to trade with the
interior. The revolution in Portugal and the wars
with Spain have prevented them from examining this
coast more particularly, and it is to be desired that the
Company should examine it carefully without giving
offence to the Dutch, or allowing them to suspect its
object.

It is, moreover, necessary that the Company should
have a port near Surat to withdraw and refit its
vessels, in case they are delayed by the rainy season.
The reason is, that during this bad weather, when it
is almost impossible to withstand (the violence of) the
sea, the Mogul, for fear of danger to his fortress at
Surat, does not allow any foreign vessel into the
river, where otherwise, when unladen, they might
remain protected from the destructive storms which
last for nearly five months.

The only place suitable for the withdrawal of the
vessels of the Company is the town of Diu,2 which
belongs to the Portuguese. The advantages of its
position are considerable for many reasons. The area
of the town includes nearly 400 houses, and is capable
of affording dwellings sufficiently numerous, and where

1 Called St. Amant in vol. i, p. 204, and elsewhere.

2 Diu, see vol. i, p. 6.

36 TRAVELS IN INDIA book ii

the (crews of the) vessels would find all they required
during their sojourn. It is situated on the coast of
Gujarat, at the point of the Gulf of Cambay, and
faces towards the south-east. Its shape is nearly
circular, and more than half the circle is surrounded
by the sea. It is not commanded by any elevation,
and the Portuguese have built some fortifications on
the land side which might be easily completed. It has
numerous wells of good water, and also a river which
falls into the sea near the town, the water of which is
better than that of Surat and of Suwàli,1 and the
shelter is very commodious for vessels.

The Portuguese, on their first establishment in
India, kept a fleet at Diu composed of galleys, brigan-
tines, and smaller vessels, with which they made
themselves, for a very long time, masters of all the
commerce of the places which are about to be enume-
rated, so that no one was able to trade without taking
out a passport from the Governor of Diu, who franked
it in the name of the Viceroy of Portugal at Goa.
The revenue which he obtained from these passports
sufficed to support the fleet and garrison, and the
Governor, who was only appointed for three years, did
not omit to accumulate wealth for himself during that
time.

Thus, according to the forces that one might
establish in this place, one would derive great benefit.
The Portuguese, feeble as they are at present, do not
fail to profit from not having to pay duty for the
money which they carry into the Kingdoms of the
Great Mogul and the King of Bijapur, nor for the
goods which they take there.

1 Suwali or Swally, see vol. i, p. 6.

chap, xiv DIU 37

When the rainy season is over, the wind being
nearly always north or north-east, you can go from
Diu to Surat in light boats in three or four tides,
but if large vessels are laden, it is necessary for them
to coast all round.

A man on foot going by land to a small village
named the Gauges,1 and from thence crossing the end
of the Gulf, can go from Diu to Surat in four or five
days, but if the season prevents him from making this
passage, he cannot go from Diu to Surat in less than
seven to eight days, because he must then make the
circuit of the Gulf.

The town does not possess any territory outside
the boundaries, but it would not be difficult to arrange
with the Raja, or Governor of the Province, and
obtain from him as much as may be required for the
convenience of the inhabitants. The soil of the neigh-
bourhood is not fertile, and the population around is
the poorest in all the Empire of the Mogul. Never-
theless, there is an abundance of cattle in the jungles,
with which the country is covered, so that a buffalo
or a cow does not cost more than 2 piastres? The
English and the Dutch use these cattle to feed their
people, and to save the provision of their vessels during
their sojourn at SuwÀu.

It is well to remark that experience has shown that
the flesh of buffaloes 3 often causes dysentery, which is

1 Probably Gogo or Goga on the western side of the Gulf of
Cambay. There is another locality of somewhat similar name too,
namely Gajna, near the point where the Narbadd joins the Mâhi Sâgar,
about 20 miles west of Baroda (A.S. 22 S.E.) 2 I.e. about 9s.

8 I believe it to be the case that both the flesh and milk of buffaloes
are at times, if not always, unwholesome. In most parts of India there
is a strong dislike among Europeans against using either.

38 TRAVELS IN INDIA book ii

calculated to be most injurious to crews, but the flesh
of cows never gives rise to it.

The Raja who rules the country bears the title of
Governor for life ; and this is the case with nearly all
the Rajas in the Empire of the Mogul, who were the
nobles of the Provinces where their descendants only
have the title of Governors. He treats the Portuguese
well, because their position as neighbours brings him
in money by the sale of his corn, rice, and vegetables,
and for the same reason he treats the French still
better.

After the establishment of such a position, which
should be the principal basis of the trade of the
Company, there is nothing more important than to
select two men, marked by their wisdom, rectitude,
and intelligence in trade, and there should be no regard
for economy in their appointments. These two men are
for the service of the Company, one in the position of
Commandant or Commander, as the Dutch entitle them,
with a council of a certain number of persons to be given
him for his assistance ; the other for the office of broker
or merchant, who should be a native of the country,
an idolater and not a Muhammadan, because all the
workmen with whom he will have to do are idolaters.
Good manners and probity are above all things neces-
sary in order to acquire confidence at first among these
people. It is necessary to seek to obtain the same
qualities in the private brokers, who are under the
direction of the Broker-general, in the provinces where
the offices of correspondents are established.

Intelligence is not less necessary for these two men,
in order that they may detect any adulteration in the
manufacture of the goods. It arises, as I have said,

chap, xiv FRAUDS BY THE COMPANY'S OFFICERS i 39

either from the wickedness of the workmen and merchants
or from the connivance of the sub-brokers with them.
This adulteration may cause so much injury to the
Company that private brokers profit by it sometimes
from i o to 12 per cent. If the Commander and the
Broker-general connive together it is very difficult for
the Company to guard against this fraud, but if they
are both faithful and wise it will be easy to remedy it
by changing the private brokers.

The unfaithfulness which these officers are able to
commit against the Company is this. When a vessel
arrives in port, the letters of the Company and the bills
of lading are handed to him who commands on shore
for the particular nation. This Commander assembles
his Council, and sends for the broker and gives him
a copy of the bill of lading.

The broker communicates it to two or three of the
merchants who are in the habit of buying wholesale.
If the broker and the Commander connive together
to profit, the broker, instead of expediting the sale as
he ought, tells these merchants privately that they have
only to keep firm and offer such a price.

Then the Commander sends for the broker and
these two or three merchants. He asks them in the
presence of his Council what they offer for the goods
mentioned in the bills of lading which have been com-
municated to them. If the merchants persist in saying
that they will only give so much, the Commander post-
pones the sale for fifteen days, more or less, according
as he has reason for being pressed to sell. He causes
these merchants to come many times, merely for the
look of the thing, and he then takes the advice of
the Council in order to save appearances, and for his

40 TRAVELS IN INDIA book ii

own protection ; after which he orders the goods to
be sold at the merchant's prices.

But although the temptation is great for these two
officers, on account of their power, the frequent oppor-
tunities, and the absence of their superiors from whom
it is easy to conceal the truth, the Company is able,
besides, by making a careful selection of these two
persons, to remedy this disorder by removing the pre-
text which the Dutch Commanders and brokers urge,
which is that they are constrained to sell quickly to the
merchants, wholesale, to avoid the costs of delay.

The fault which the Dutch make is, that their
officers order to be made on credit from year to year
all the goods which they wish to export from the
Mogul Empire, according to the instructions they
have received from Batavia. The credit for this
advance costs them sometimes 1 2, sometimes 1 5 percent,
so that as soon as their vessels, laden with merchandise,
have arrived at the port where they are due, they are
obliged to sell promptly at the price which the whole-
sale merchants offer to the brokers in order to obtain
immediate funds to repay the advances which have
been made for the preparation of the goods which their
vessels carry away, and to obtain credit for the manu-
facture of the following year.

It is this which gives opportunity for the under-
standing between the Commanders and their brokers
with the merchants, who profit by the necessity which
forces the sales, and besides, this private profit diminishes
that of the Company, and a part of the clearest gain is
expended in paying the interest of this loan of which
we are about to speak. For this interest mounts, from
time to time, more or less, according as the Commander

chap, xiv FRAUDS BY THE COMPANY'S OFFICERS 41

and the broker agree to make it increase. In the
event of French vessels carrying the same goods as
the Dutch, they should carry in addition money for
the advances to the artisans who work in the provinces,
and for a part of the price of the goods which are being
made for the following year.

The Company by making this advance will not pay
the high interest on the loan, namely 1 2 to 15 per cent,
which the Dutch pay ; it will have the very best goods
and at the best price. All the artisans will work more
willingly for it on account of this ready money.

The cargo of the vessels will be in readiness before
they arrive in port. Being quickly laden they will be
able to seize the good season for their return. The
Company will not be compelled by necessity to sell at
a bad price to three or four local wholesale merchants
who have made themselves masters of the trade,
whereas its brokers will be enabled to await the arrival
of foreign merchants who will come to carry away its
goods, or rather, because they will have the means
to have them exported to the places where they will
themselves be able to dispose of them.

It should be remarked, besides, that it is profitable
to carry gold and silver to India in bullion rather than
in coin, because gold and silver are not valued in
India except by their standard, and because there is
always a deduction on coined money on account of the
cost of minting.1

Should the broker be unfaithful, he is, moreover,
able to come to an understanding with the master of
the Mogul's mint, established in every port in the
Empire, and to value the gold or silver, coined or in

1 See Book I, chap. ii.

42 TRAVELS IN INDIA book ii

bars, at a lower standard than it really is, by telling
the Commander and his Council that in the assay
which has been made at the mint it is found to be
only of such a standard.

But it is easy to prevent this fraud, provided that
the Commander is upright and intelligent, if he sends
for one of the native refiners of gold and silver,
who can easily be found, and who understand how to
assay metals perfectly, and if he has it done in his
own presence.1

This is what the Sieur Waikenton did for the
Dutch Company, in whose name he held a factory at
Kàsimbàzàr, where he received each year from 6000
to 7000 bales of silk. He ascertained by this test that
his broker, having an understanding with the master
of the mint, cheated him of 1^ or 2 per cent on the
quality of the gold and silver which was brought to
him from Japan, whether it was in bar or in coin, and
that the Company had been defrauded of considerable
sums.

The broker is able to defraud also by having an
understanding with the master of the mint, or with
him who weighs the gold and silver in bars, coin, or

1 I am indebted to Mr. J. Twigg of the N. W. P. Civil Service,
for the following account of the operations of one of these native
assayers, as witnessed by himself. The object assayed was an
ornament consisting of an alloy of gold and silver, which was first
hammered out thin ; it was then heated in nitric acid, the vessel used
being a broken glazed English tea-cup ; after some time, the silver being
then dissolved out, the thin plate of gold was removed and fused with
borax, the furnace being an old clay potsherd, and the fuel charcoal
burnt under a mouth blow-pipe. The resulting gold button was then
weighed, and the silver was precipitated by means of a piece of copper
thrown into the solution. The nitric acid had been prepared by distilla-
tion of a mixture of saltpetre and iron sulphide (Pyrites).

chap, xiv FRAUDS BY THE COMPANY'S OFFICERS 43

dust, by employing too heavy weights, or scales which
are not true.

It is easy to prevent this fraud if the Commander,
assisted by his Council, has them weighed in his
presence with a scale and weights proved and stamped,
which he keeps by him for the purpose.

One of the most important observations that is to
be made on the commerce of the proposed Company
and the discipline of its factors is this : —

It should forbid the merchants, sub-merchants, the
scribes, and sub-scribes, who serve under the Com-
manders, and the brokers, and also these superior
officers, from doing any trade on their own private
accounts, because having communication with all the
artisans, and obtaining by the correspondence from
the other factories information as to the articles of
merchandise which will be good for sale in the follow-
ing year, they do not fail to purchase them on their
own account, and ship them on the vessels of the
Company to the address of their correspondents,
who share the gain therefrom.

The Commander being himself interested, either by
closing his eyes, or by a too great laxity, permits them
to make this profit on account of their poor salaries.1
The captain of the vessel is in league with them, be-
cause he secretly derives some advantage for allowing
them to load and unload. And inasmuch as these
officers have but little capital, and desire to receive
the price on the return of the vessel, they direct their
correspondents to sell at from 8 to 10 per cent below
market price, which they can easily do, because, as I
shall say further on, they do not pay custom dues

1 See p. 48.

44 TRAVELS IN INDIA book ii

either at Surat or at Gombroon, and because they gain
by this means about 26 per cent ; and so this causes
a considerable injury to the Company, and particularly
to foreign merchants.

To remedy this disorder it is requisite to profit by
the mistake of the Dutch, and to do that which they
now practise, having realised the extent of this injury
after an experience of many years. For, in fine, the
Commander is not ignorant of the profit which there
is for officials of the house when they load the goods
of foreigners on the vessels of the Company, be it for
Hormuz, for Bassora, for Mocha, or other places.
With respect to Mocha on the Red Sea, the mer-
chants who trade there are allowed one bale free of
customs ; it is for this reason that among their bales they
have always one five or six times larger than the others,
which ten or twelve men have difficulty in carrying.

The freight of some vessels amounts to 60,000
rupees, and when the Commander and broker are in
league, they sometimes make a third, and even as
much as a half, as their profits, over and above which
a vessel never leaves without the Commander and his
wife presenting some rewards to their most faithful
servants and slaves of both sexes. To one they give
permission to ship six bales, to another eight, and to
another ten, more or less, and as the bales in these
countries pay freight according to the value of the
goods, when a merchant has any bale of great value,
amounting sometimes to 20,000 rupees, he agrees for
the freight at the best price he is able, and abates
one half, at least, with one of these servants or slaves
who has received this free permission from his master
or mistress.

chap, xiv FRAUDS BY THE COMPANY'S OFFICERS 45

The pursers also take part in it, but as for the
merchants and sub -merchants, they disdain for the
most part these small profits, and content themselves
with their own shipments. Otherwise, by another
artifice, when a merchant has some bales of rich goods,
as of those Deccan caps, which are sometimes worth
as much as 400 ecus, or of these omis l of Burhânpur, of
which I have spoken above, which serve to make veils
for the ladies of Persia, Constantinople, and other
places in Asia and Europe — when, I say, a merchant
has some bales of valuable goods which should pay
high duty to the Prince of the place where they are
to be loaded, as soon as they are on board, the
purser and captain, who are in league with the
merchant, place on each the Company's mark, and
after reaching the store of the place where they have
been landed with the goods of the Company, they
are removed at night in secret to the house of the
merchant.

These people are able, moreover, to make use of
still another artifice. If the merchant is a friend of
the Commander he settles with him, and pretending
to have bought the bales of merchandise from the
Company, which is free from all custom, he is
released by paying the 2 per cent, the same as all
those who have bought goods from the Company.2

The following is the remedy which can be brought
to bear on this irregularity. It is necessary to establish
in the principal factory a fiscal counsellor to act in the
name of the King and by his authority. He should be

1 Ornis (see vol. i, p. 52).

2 The preceding four paragraphs are omitted in the reprint in the
Recueil.

46 TRAVELS IN INDIA book ii

independent of the General of the Company, in order
that he may have the right to keep an eye upon his
actions as upon those of the least of the officers.

A man of position is required for this post, who
will be resolute and watchful, and who has under him
a representative at each factory. Each of these repre-
sentatives, in the exercise of his duties, should observe
what is indicated in the following articles : —

As soon as he sees a vessel belonging to the Com-
pany in the offing, he should go at once, or sometimes,
according to the season, he should await till it has cast
anchor.

Then the captain of the vessel should deliver no
letter to any other person, but should place all in the
hands of the representative, who will deliver those of
the Company to the Commander.

He should take two or three persons with him,
who will remain on the vessel until it is unloaded, to
see that all that is landed belongs to the Company.
It is especially necessary that he should take care that
the people whom he takes with him do not get drunk,
for it often happens on these occasions that the officers
of the vessel purposely intoxicate them when they have
some contraband goods to send off the vessel, which
they cleverly give to the fishing boats which bring
them fish and other supplies ; this is done generally at
night.

If it is a place where there are neighbouring
islands, as the time is approximately known when the
vessels ought to arrive, the representative of the Fiscal
Counsellor should send beforehand, as far off as he
can, two or three small boats, to be on the look-out
round these islands, and as soon as they have dis-

chap, xiv FRAUDS BY THE COMPANY'S OFFICERS 47

covered the vessel, they should join her, to prevent
any contraband goods being landed in the islands, to
which the bribed persons might come to carry them
secretly to whomsoever they are addressed.

He should confiscate all that he discovers in the
vessel not bearing the mark of the Company, or
which does not belong to foreign merchants.

He should be able to dismiss from his post the
officer to whom the goods belong, if a subaltern ; but
if it is one of the superiors he should give notice of
it to the Chief of the Factory, who, with his Council,
will be able to degrade him from his office and confis-
cate his salary.

He may order all letters of private persons to be
opened to detect this contraband trade and the parties
to it. This is why the captain of the vessel is obliged
to hand them over to him ; but he may not open the
Company's letters.

The (proceeds of this) confiscation of goods
should be applied, one third to the poor of the nation,
another third to the Company, and the remainder to
the Fiscal and his officers, and this it is which the
Dutch do.

He will also represent the King in all criminal and
civil processes which come before the Commander and
his Council, and he will be able to requisition and take
part in the name of his Majesty in all kinds of actions.

Provided always that this officer is vigilant and a
man of integrity, he will be able to render considerable
service to the Company.

If the English had established such an one in their
factories, they would have had greater profit ; but the
officers of that nation pretend that there is no superior

48 TRAVELS IN INDIA book ii

power capable of withdrawing the privilege from them
after they have once completed their apprenticeship in
London, and hold the certificate of their master of
having served him well for seven years.1

This injunction against private trade cannot be too
strictly imposed. It is observed to-day with so much
strictness amongst the Dutch that when a vessel of
that Company is ready to leave Amsterdam, a Burgo-
master administers to the captain and all on board a
solemn oath that they will content themselves with
their wages, two months* of which are given in
advance, and that they will not trade on their own
account ; but the conduct of the Company in respect
to their wages compels them, in spite of their oaths, to
aid themselves by secret traffic to subsist while in their
employment.

This is the artifice which they make use of to
satisfy their consciences. When they have arrived in
India, and see themselves in the way of obtaining
some good employment, they marry as quickly as pos-
sible, and trade secretly in their wives' names ; this is
not always permitted. And they imagine that in this
way their conscience is relieved. But they are some-
times caught, and I shall give a somewhat amusing
example of it, from among many others which I could
recount

1 The salaries of the English Company's officials at this period, as
stated by Dr. John Fryer, were so small that one would suppose that
they could have hardly subsisted without having some private oppor-
tunities for trade. The writers had to serve five years for ^10 per
annum, factors had ,£20 for three years, merchants ^40 during their
stay in the service, besides free food and lodging. The President
received ^500 a year, of which half was reserved at home to be con-
fiscated in case of misdemeanour, in addition to his bond of ,£5000.
(New Account y Calcutta Ed., p. 70.)

chap, xiv CONTRABAND TRADE BY LADIES 49

The captain of a vessel,1 a rich man, who troubled
himself little about making court to the wives of the
Chiefs of the Company, became a butt for their
attacks, and was one day stung by some remarks
made by Madame la Générale, who was talking to
him at Batavia in the presence of many ladies, for
which, without saying a word then, and well knowing
all their intrigues, he resolved to avenge himself on

•

the first occasion, which offered itself in this manner.

When this captain was about to return from
Pulicat to Batavia, the wife of the Governor of the
former place, who was in league with Madame la
Générale in some private trade, believing that the
captain was one of her friends, begged him to ship
secretly eight bales of very valuable goods, and to
have particular care that they were not wetted, in order
to take them to Batavia ; this the captain promised
to do, and he placed the bales in a separate place.

Having arrived at Batavia, he went first, according
to custom, to salute the General and to hand him the
letters belonging to the Company. The General is in
the habit of keeping the captains to dinner or to supper,
according to the hour of their arrival. There are always
present on these occasions some Councillors of India, to
hear the news, who remain to dine with the General.

At the close of the repast the General asked the
captain what news he had from Pulicat, and if the
Governor and his wife had not asked for anything to
be done for them. " Nothing," replied the captain
coldly, "except that Madame, the Governors wife,

1 This story is also told in the Histoire de la Conduite des Hollandois
en Asie, chap, vi, where the General is called Matsuker and the captain
Lucifer !

VOL. II E

60 TRAVELS IN INDIA book ii

* — —

specially charged me with eight bales of goods, and to
keep a good eye on them, so that they should not get
damp, being articles of great value, and to deliver
them on my arrival into the hands of Madame la
Générale." This little-expected reply much surprised
the General and those of the Council who were dining
with him, and still more Madame la Générale, to
whom the husband, turning, asked somewhat rudely if
she carried on trade with the wife of the Governor of
Pulicat, which, according to the laws of the Company,
would have been criminal. Madame la Générale
having stoutly defended herself, protesting that she
knew nothing of what the captain had said, the
General then told the latter that he must be mistaken,
and there and then ordered the Fiscal to go and seize
the bales, and expose them on the quay to see if they
would be claimed by any merchant. After they had
remained there for some days without any one present-
ing himself to ask for them, they were confiscated ;
and thus, without great noise, the captain had his
revenge for the displeasure he had received at the
hands of Madame la Générale.1

All the subaltern officers of the Factories should be
promoted by steps, from that of the post of sub-writer
to that of Commander, so that the expectation of
this promotion should encourage them to live well,
and acquire all the niceties and details of the Indian
trade in order to qualify for the highest posts.

It is of the greatest importance not to show any
favour in this, and that interest should not give advance-
ment to any one without his having passed through all
the steps ; for one of the things which does most injury

1 The previous four paragraphs are omitted in the Recueil.

chap, xiv PATRONAGE IN APPOINTMENTS 51

to the Dutch trade is that for some years back the
higher classes in Holland have sent their sons to
India to seek for the posts which secret trade makes so
profitable. The access which they obtain, be it to the
principal officers or to their wives, whose power is great
in this country, causes them to be preferred, when any
post becomes vacant, to those who have no other
recommendation than that of their long services.

It is true that some years ago the General at
Batavia and his Council, seeing the injury this did to
the Company, wrote to the Directors that they may
send people to India of whatever quality they please,
but that they should not send any more with re-
commendations ; that in the future they would be of
no avail, but would rather injure the advancement of
their friends, it not being fair that favour should
precede merit ; that the General and his Council had
sufficiently good eyes to recognise the fitness of those
sent, and would employ them according as they were
worthy and as it was considered proper.

These are all the remarks which I have been able
to make in reference to the discipline of the Factories
and the methods that a new Company ought to observe
for its establishment in the East Indies.

But I was forgetting one thing, which is of import-
ance for a commercial Company, and to which it should
pay attention. Up to this hour the Dutch observe
this precaution, that they send to India neither captain
nor pilot who has not passed through all degrees, from
a simple ships boy up to the most important charge,
and does not know how to take observations, and is
not thoroughly acquainted with the coasts. Moreover
these captains are not of delicate constitutions, and

52 TRAVELS IN INDIA book ii

content themselves for food with a piece of cheese or a
slice of beef which has been in pickle for two or three
years. And truly they are to be imitated in that
respect. It is altogether different with some other
nations, who often place on vessels captains who have
never seen the sea, and whom favour alone immediately
elevates to this post. In addition to which, when
they embark they generally require elaborate cuisine
appliances, plenty of sheep, calves, fowl, and turkeys,
which consume much water, and soil the vessel with
their droppings. Economy is the great support of
commercial Companies, and it is an article to which
those who are Directors should give their particular
attention.

CHAPTER XV

Concerning diamonds, and the mines and rivers where
they are found ; and especially of the Authors
Journey to the Mine of Ramulkota.1

The diamond is the most precious of all stones, and it
is the article of trade to which I am most devoted.
In order to acquire a thorough knowledge of it I
resolved to visit all the mines, and one of the two
rivers where it is found ; and as the fear of dangers
has never restrained me in any of my journeys, the
terrible picture that was drawn of these mines, as
being in barbarous countries to which one could not
travel except by the most dangerous routes, served
neither to terrify me nor to turn me from my intention.
I have accordingly been at four mines,2 of which I am

1 This is Raolconda in the original ; for its identification with the
modern Ramulkota, properly Râmallakota, see Book II, chap, xviii, p. 94.

2 The four mines appear to have been — 1, Ramulkota (Raolconda) ;
2, Kollur (Coulour or Gani) ; 3, Soumelfiourj and 4, the locality on
the Kistna between Ramulkota and Kollur, which, as pointed out in
chap, xvi, p. 78, may have been a deserted mine near Damârapâd and
Malawaram. The point is not quite clear, as in chap, xviii two mines
near Ramulkota are mentioned, but there cannot be said to be descrip-
tions of more than three mines in the text. There is ample reason for
believing that the diamond mines existing in India in Tavernier's time
were far more numerous than he had any conception of (see Economic
Geology of India, pp. 1-50, and Appendix to this volume). The two
rivers he mentions seem to be — 1, the Pennair River, below Gandikot,
probably in the neighbourhood of Chenur (see vol. i, p. 288) ; and 2,
the river he did not visit, which was in Borneo (see chap. xvii).

64 TRAVELS IN INDIA book ii

about to give descriptions, and at one of the two
rivers whence diamonds are obtained, and I have
encountered there neither the difficulties nor the bar-
barities with which those imperfectly acquainted with
the country had sought to terrify me. Thus I am
able to claim that I have cleared the way for others,
and that I am the first European who has opened
the route for the Franks1 to these mines, which are

1 Tavern ier was not aware that he had been preceded by other
European visitors to the mines, e.g. Caesar Frederick and Methold (see
p. 72 «.), and, as stated in the previous note, he was probably mistaken
as to these being the only mines in India which were known in his time ;
besides many in Southern India, those at Panna in Bundelkhand, Sambal-
pur on the Mahânadi, and Wairâgarh — the Beiragarh of the Ain-i-Akbari
— were almost certainly open then. We have, too, evidence of the work-
ing of a mine by a European at an earlier date. A paper presented by
the Earl Marshal of England to the Royal Society {Phil. Trans., vol.
xii, 1677, P- 9°7) states that about the commencement of the seven-
teenth century (say 16 10) a Portuguese gentleman went to Currure,
i.e. Wajra Karur in the Bellary District, and expended a large sum
of money, namely 100,000 pagodas, in searching for diamonds without
success. He then sold everything he had with him, even to his clothes,
and on the last day upon which he could pay the wages of the workmen
he had prepared a cup of poison which he intended to take that night if no
diamonds were found. In the evening a fine stone of 26 pagodas' weight
was brought to him by the workmen. The figures given in the paper
indicate a value of 53 troy grains for the pagoda; at that rate 26 pagodas
would be equal to 1378 troy grains, or 434.7 carats. The recognised
equivalent of the pagoda is something less, namely 52.56 troy grains
(Kelly, Universal Cambist). In the same mine, we are told, diamonds of
a seize (ÏSeer) weight, namely 9 ounces troy, or 81 £ pagodas, i.e. 1362.6
carats, had been found ; and as Mir Jumla took possession of this mine,
together with the Carnatic, one cannot help suggesting that it may have
been here that the Great Mogul's diamond was found, although Kollur
is particularly mentioned by Tavernier as the mine which produced it.
To return to the above-mentioned Portuguese, he took the stone with
him to Goa, and to commemorate its discovery put up a stone tablet,
on which the following lines were engraved in the Telegu language : —

• ' Your wife and children sell, sell what you have.
Spare not your clothes, nay, make yourself a slave,
But money get, then to Currure make haste,
There search the mines, a prize you'll find at last. "

chap, xv DIAMOND MINE AT RAMULKOTA 55

the only places in the world where the diamond is
found.1

The first of the mines which I visited is situated in
the territory of the King of Bijapur in the Province of
Carnatic, and the locality is called Ramulkota,2 situ-
ated five days' journey from Golconda,8 and eight or
nine from Bijapur. The fact that the two Kings of
Golconda and Bijapur were formerly subject to the
Mogul, and were then only Governors of the Provinces
which they acquired by their revolt, caused it to be
said, and makes it said still by some people, that
the diamonds come from the Kingdom of the Great
Mogul. It is only about 200 years since this mine of
Ramulkota was discovered, ât least so far as I have
been able to ascertain from the people of the country.4

All round the place where the diamonds are found
the soil is sandy, and full of rocks and jungle, somewhat
comparable to the neighbourhood of Fontainebleau.
There are in these rocks many veins, some of half a
finger in width and some of a whole finger ; and the

1 He here forgets Borneo (see chap. xvii).

2 Raolconda in the original. By means of the route given on p.
94 this locality has been identified with Ramulkota, about 20 miles south
of Karnul (Kurnool), where excavations are to be seen to this day {vide
Ecotwmic Geology of India, p. 15). The position is fairly indicated on
the small map of India which accompanies the Revised French Edition
of Tavernier's Travels, published at Rouen in 1 7 1 3. The identification
both of it and Coulour have foiled many investigators both in this and
the last century. But it is needless to refer here to the various sugges-
tions as to their identification, as the question is now fully set at rest
by the identification of the stages on the routes to these mines.

3 On p. 94 the distance is given as being 17 gos or 68 French
leagues. The true distance by the direct route is about 120 English
miles.

4 This evidence for the antiquity of the mine is of but little value,
and cannot be relied on.

56 TRAVELS IN INDIA book ii

miners have small irons, crooked at the ends, which
they thrust into the veins in order to draw from them
the sand or earth,1 which they place in vessels ; and it
is in this earth that they afterwards find the diamonds.
But as the veins do not always run straight, and some
ascend, while others descend, they are obliged to break
the rocks, always following the direction of the veins.
After they have opened them out, and have removed
the earth or sand which may be there, they then com-
mence to wash it two or three times, and search in it
for whatever diamonds it may contain. It is in this
mine that the cleanest and whitest watered diamonds
are found ; but the evil is that in order to extract the
sand more easily from the rocks they strike such blows
with a heavy iron crowbar that it fractures the diamonds,
and gives rise to flaws. It is for this reason that so many
thin stones come from this mine, for when the miners
see a stone in which the flaw is of some size, they
immediately cleave it, that is to say split it, at which
they are much more accomplished than we are. These
are the stones which we call thin (lt foible"), which
make a great show. If the stone is clean they do not
do more than just touch it with the wheel above and
below, and do not venture to give it any form, for fear
of reducing the weight. But if it has a small flaw, or
any spots, or small black or red grit, they cover the
whole of the stone with facettes in order that its defects
may not be seen, and if it has a very small flaw they
conceal it by the edge of one of the facettes. But it

1 This description and what follows indicate that the mining was
carried on in the rock, not in detrital beds. It is, indeed, now known
that the matrix at Ramulkota is an old pebble conglomerate belonging
to the " Karnul " series.

^^1VW^W«^M^<«IHPPMNWMI^

chap, xv DIAMOND POLISHING 57

should be remarked that the merchant prefers a black
point in a stone to a red one. When there is a red
one the stone is roasted, and the point becomes black.
This trick was at length so well understood by me
that when I examined a parcel of stones which came
from this mine, and saw that there were facettes on
any of them, especially small facettes, I was certain
that there was some speck or flaw in the stone.

There are at this mine numerous diamond-cutters,
and each has only a steel wheel of about the size of
our plates. They place but one stone on each wheel,
and pour water incessantly on the wheel until they
have found the "grain" of the stone.1 The "grain"
being found, they pour on oil and do not spare diamond
dust, although it is expensive, in order to make the
stone run faster, and they weight it much more heavily
than we do.

I have known them to weight a stone with 150
livres of lead. It is true that it was a large stone,
which still weighed 103 carats after it had been cut,
and that the mill was like ours, the large wheel of
which was turned by four blacks. The Indians are
not of the same opinion as we are, in that they do not
believe that weighting them causes flaws in the stones.
If theirs do not receive any it is because they always
have a small boy who, holding in his hand a very
thin wooden spoon, anoints the wheel incessantly with
oil and diamond powder. Added to which their wheel
does not go so fast as ours, because the wooden wheel
which causes the steel one to revolve is seldom more
than 3 feet in diameter.

1 The word in the original is cJiemin, or "way" of the stone. It
refers to the discovery of the position of the lines of cleavage, which
determines the method to be adopted in the treatment of the stone.

58 TRAVELS IN INDIA book ii

The Indians are unable to give the stones so lively
a polish as we give them in Europe ; and this, I
believe, is due to the fact that their wheel does not
run so smoothly as ours. For, being made of steel, in
order to grind it on the emery, of which it has need
every twenty-four hours, it has to be taken off the tree,
and it cannot be replaced so as to run as evenly as it
should do. If they possessed the iron wheel as we do,
for which one does not require emery but the file, it not
being necessary to remove it from the tree in order to
file it, they could give the stones a better polish than
they do.

I have stated that it is necessary to rub the wheel
with emery or to file it every twenty-four hours, and it
is desirable that it should be done every twelve hours
if the workman is not lazy. For when the stone has
run a certain time the part of the wheel where it has
pressed becomes polished like a mirror, and if the place
be not roughened by emery or the file, the powder
does not stick to it. When it remains one does more
work in one hour than in two when there is not
any on the wheel.

Although a particular diamond may be by nature
hard, having, so to speak, a kind of knot,1 such as is
seen in wood, the Indian diamond-cutters would not
hesitate to cut such a stone, although our diamond-
cutters in Europe would experience great difficulty in

1 Certain points of a stone are often found to be exceptionally hard,
as, for instance, when a facet is cut on the angle where two cleavage
planes meet, or, so to speak, across the grain of the stone. (See p. 57 n.)
A difficulty of this nature is mentioned by Messrs. Garrard as
having been experienced when the Koh-i-nur was reçut. (See Professor
Tennant's lecture On Gems and Precious Stones^ Society of Arts, 1852,
p. 86.)

*1ka» _ t-mm cr.mm \0-**m+

chap, xv PAY OF DIAMOND MINERS 59

doing so, and as a general rule would be unwilling to
undertake it ; but one pays the I ndians something
extra for their trouble.

I come to the government at the mines. Business
is conducted with freedom and fidelity. Two per cent
on all purchases is paid to the King, who receives also
a royalty from the merchants for permission to mine.
These merchants having prospected with the aid of the
miners, who know the spots where the diamonds are to
be found, take an area of about 200 paces in circumfer-
ence, where they employ fifty miners, and sometimes a
hundred if they wish the work to proceed rapidly. From
the day that they commence mining till they finish the
merchants pay a duty of 2 pagodas 1 per diem for fifty
men, and 4 pagodas when they employ a hundred men.

These poor people only earn 3 pagodas 2 per annum,
although they must be men who thoroughly understand
their work. As their wages are so small they do not
manifest any scruple, when searching in the sand, about
concealing a stone for themselves when they can, and
being naked, save for a small cloth which covers their
private parts, they adroitly contrive to swallow it.3
The chief of all the merchants who embark in mining

1 Say 1 6s.

2 Equal to about one rupee or 27 pence per mensem, or less than a
penny a day. In some remote parts of India labour can still be obtained
at about that rate, or from 3 pice to an anna, i.e. 1 £d. to 1 £d.

3 Owing to the belief which exists in India that diamond dust
is a poison, it is thought by some persons that native miners would
not swallow diamonds. I have seen several authentic records of
their having done so. Garcia de Orta, for instance, refers to
cases as evidence that the diamond is not poisonous. Once a
diamond had been smuggled away from the mines, its possessor
was not only safe, but if it was of large size, and he offered it to
either the King of Golconda or the King of Bijapur, he had every

t

60 TRAVELS IN INDIA book ii

one day pointed out to me one of these miners, who
had worked for him for many years, and who had
stolen a stone from him which weighed a mangelin,
i.e. nearly two of our carats.1 He had concealed it
in the corner of his eye, but it was taken from him as
soon as the theft was discovered. In order to prevent
these knavish tricks there are always twelve to fifteen
watchmen employed by the merchants to see that they
are not defrauded of anything.

If by chance a stone is founcj which weighs above
7 to 8 viangelins, it is taken to the master of the mine,
who by way of recompence gives a sarpo? which is
a piece of cotton cloth to make a turban, of the value
of 25 to 30 sols? and generally with it half a pagoda in
silver, or otherwise a pagoda? when rice and a plate
of sugar are not given.

The merchants who go to the mine to buy, remain
in their dwellings, and every morning at from 10 to
1 1 o'clock the masters of the miners, after they have
dined (for the Banians never leave their houses till
they have washed and eaten), take their diamonds to
show to them. If the parcels are large, and contain
many stones of the value of from 2000 up to 15,000 or
16,000 ecus? they leave them, confiding them to the
foreign merchant for seven or eight days or more in
order that he may -examine them with care. When the

chance of selling it well, and being presented with a robe of honour.
(See the Account of the Diamonds, etc., presented to the Royal Society
by the Earl Marshal of England, Phil, Trans., vol. xii, 1677, p. 907.)

1 See Appendix, vol. i.

2 This is Sirpdo, or more properly Sar-o-pâ, a complete dress of
honour, from head to foot. (See Yule in Hedge's Diary, vol. i, p. 1 36 //.)

8 is. lojd. to 2s. 3d.

4 About 8s^ if new pagodas. 5 ^450 to ^3600.

chap, xv YOUTHFUL DIAMOND MERCHANTS 61

stones have been examined, and are returned by the
merchant, if they suit him he should conclude the
transaction at once, otherwise the owner of the stones
wraps them in a corner of his waistband, his turban,
or his shirt, and departs, so that one never sees the
same stones again, or at least they are mixed with
others, should the miner return in order to bring
another parcel. When the transaction is concluded
the purchaser gives an order for payment on the Shroff
or person who issues and receives bills of exchange.
If you have agreed to pay in three or four days, and
delay longer, you have to pay interest at the rate of
\\ per cent per month. Most frequently, when the
merchant is known to be solvent, a bill of exchange on
Agra, Golconda, or Bijapur is preferred, but more
especially one upon Surat, where, as it is the most
famous port in India, the dealers desire to purchase
the commodities which come in vessels from foreign
countries, and which are suitable for their wants.

It is very pleasant to see the young children of these
merchants and of other people of the country, from
the age of ten years up to the age of fifteen or sixteen,
assemble every morning under a large tree which is in
the square of the town. Each has his diamond weights
in a little bag suspended on one side, and on the other
a purse attached to his waistband, which contains as
much as 500 or 600 gold pagodas. They seat them-
selves there awaiting the arrival of any one who wishes
to sell diamonds, either of the place itself or of some
other mine. When any one brings a stone he places
it in the hands of the eldest of these children, who is,
so to speak, the chief of the band ; he looks at it and
places it in the hand of him who sits next. Thus it

62 TRAVELS IN INDIA book ii

goes from hand to hand till it returns to the first one
without any one saying a word.

He then asks the price of the article, in order to
purchase, if possible ; and if by chance he buys at too
high a price he is responsible. In the evening these
children count up what they have purchased, and
after examining the stones separate them according
to their water, weight, and cleanness. Next they
price each as they expect to dispose of them to
strangers, and by this they see how far the value
exceeds the cost of purchase. They then carry them
to the great merchants who always have a number of
parcels to match, and all the profit is divided among
the children, save only that their chief receives a
quarter per cent more than the others.

Young as they are, they know the value of all the
stones so well that if one of them has bought a stone
and is willing to lose a half per cent, another gives
him cash for it. Seldom can you show them a
parcel of stones, containing a dozen, where they
will not discover among them four or five having
some flaw or some point or some defect at the
angles.

It remains to be said that these Indians have much
regard for strangers, and especially for those whom
they call Franks} Immediately on my arrival at the
mine I went to call upon the Governor of the place,
who also rules the Province on behalf of the King of
Bijapur. He is a Muhammadan, who having embraced
me, assured me I was welcome — not doubting that I
had brought gold with me (for at all the mines of Gol-

1 Fringuis for Franguis in the original, for Franks, i.e. Europeans.
(See vol. i, p. 6.)

chap, xv THE GOVERNOR OF THE MINES 63

conda and Bijapur they speak but of new pagodas?
which are golden coins), and that I had only to place it
in my lodging, where it would be safe, and he would
be responsible for all I had. Besides the servants
whom I brought with me he allotted me four others,
and commanded them to keep a watch on my gold by
day and night, and to obey all my orders. Shortly
after I had left him he sent to recall me, and on my
return : " I sent to seek you," he said, " in order to
assure you again that you have nothing to fear — eat,
drink, and sleep, and have a care for your health.
I have forgotten to tell you to be careful not to
defraud the King, to whom 2 per cent is due on all
your purchases. Do not attempt," he continued, "to
do as some Muhammadans did who came to the mine,
and combined with the merchants and some brokers
to withhold the royalties of the King — saying that they
had only purchased to the value of 10,000 pagodas,
while they had invested more than 50,000." I then
commenced to purchase, and saw that there was a
sufficiently large profit to be made, all being 20
per cent cheaper than at Golconda, in addition to
which, one sometimes, by chance, met with large
stones.

One day towards evening a Banian, poorly clothed,
having indeed only a band round his body and a
miserable handkerchief on his head, came towards me
politely and seated himself by my side. In this country
one pays no attention to dress, and a person who has
but a miserable ell of calico about his loins may some-
times have a good parcel of diamonds concealed. I,
on my part, treated the Banian with civility, and after

1 They were worth about 8s., more exactly 3 \ rupees. (See vol i, p. 413.)

64 TRAVELS IN INDIA book ii

he had been for some time seated by me he asked me
through my interpreter 1 if I wished to buy some rubies.
The interpreter told him to show them to me, upon
which he drew a number of small rags from his waist-
band, in which he had about a score of rings mounted
with rubies. After I had examined them I said that
they were too small for me and that I sought large
stones. Nevertheless, remembering that I had been
asked by a lady at Ispahan to bring her a ruby ring of
the value of about ioo ecus, I bought one of his rings
which cost me nearly 400 francs. I knew well that
he did not value it at more than 300 francs, but
willingly risked the additional 100 francs in the belief
that he had not sought me to sell the rubies only, and
because I understood from his manner that he desired
to be alone with me and my interpeter in order to show
me something better. As the time of prayer of the
Muhammadans approached, three of the servants
appointed by the Governor left, and the fourth re-
maining to wait upon me, I found an excuse for
getting rid of him by sending him to buy bread, where
he remained a sufficiently long time. For all the
people of this country being idolaters, content them-
selves with rice, not eating bread, and when a person
wishes for it it is necessary to have it brought from a
distance, from the fortress of the King of Bijapur,
where the Muhammadans reside. The Banian, seeing
that he was alone with me and the interpreter, after
having, with a good deal of mystery, removed his
headdress, untwisted his locks, which, according to the

1 From this and other similar references we learn that Tavernier
did not acquire a knowledge of the native languages. The fact is indeed
referred to contemptuously by some of his critics, especially Chardin.

chap, xv A SECRET PURCHASE 65

usual custom, were bound round his head. Then I
observed a small rag appearing amongst these locks,
in which there was concealed a diamond, weighing 48^
of our carats, of beautiful water and of cabtuhon shape,
three-quarters of the stone clear, save for a small flaw
which was on one side and appeared to penetrate some
distance into the stone. The remaining quarter was
full of flaws and red spots.

While I examined the stone, the Banian, seeing
the attention which I gave to it, said, " Do not trouble
yourself now, you will see it to-morrow morning at
your leisure when you are alone. When a fourth of
the day has passed," it is thus that they speak,1 " you
will find me outside the town, and if you wish for the
stone you will bring the price of it with you," and he
then stated the amount he wanted for it. For it should
be stated en passant that after this fourth of the day
the Banians, both male and female, disappear into the
city or town where they dwell, both for the purpose
of satisfying the ordinary necessities of nature and for
the purpose of bathing, as well as for the prayers which
their priests require them to repeat. The Banian
having named this hour — because he did not wish any
one to see us together — I did not fail to go in search
of him, and carried with me the price he had asked,
less by 200 pagodas, which I kept apart, in reserve.
But in the end, after we had bargained for a short
time, I gave him 100 pagodas extra. On my return
to Surat I sold the stone to a Dutch captain, from
which transaction I earned a fair profit.

Three days after I had bought this stone a

1 The day is divided into four pahars which terminate at 9 A.M.,
12 M., 3 p.m. and 6 p.m.

VOL. II F

66 TRAVELS IN INDIA book ii

messenger arrived from Golconda who had been sent
by an Apothecary, named Boëte, whom I had left at
Golconda to receive and take care of a part of my
money» and in the event of the Shroff paying in rupees,
he was to change them into golden pagodas. The
day following that upon which he had received pay-
ment, he was seized bv so serious a disorder in the
stomach that he died in a few days. By the letter
which he wane to me he informed me of his sickness,
and that he had received mv monew which was all in
in> chamber in scaled ba^s : but. as he did not believe
that he wvuid survive two davs. he exhorted me to
hasten :ny return» because he did not think that my
ittoivx would be sate in the hands of the servants
* hvw t hod 'et t * Uh hitiu I mmediately on receipt of
this tettev I waited on the Governor in order to take
îk\uv of hi:n* at which he was astonished, and inquired
rt t Svtvt cv^vudod JÙI tnv tnone\\ 1 replied that I

W :nx \v** ^ * °* ^ xx* :^1 * ^id sl*** upwards
sk WAV *^\vi*$/" He :hen said that if 1 wished
V *wîd a k^v ^v a* ct-^vrturticy o* invescir.;j ic and
v«\u * vKviv xV*t*i^v n*c Vse v^vit *ba: he would
CiKU\C «vv .o >v>- He rutt:XT JtÀsd it t was wtll;:^: to
VV* >»" «> -ah vetoes aaxx^s ie was ivc forant
xs .V« sW^ ^*w cVsv w*c ^Sviwere cc\^\I to
îN^vc ^ w»»^ xS xbl a* ">"*» o»t xcxirc >rr z^e charge
vs - -n> oo* vUv> w:Y»v^> s it*e ;v ^ K ^ by :hose
^X^ \v xVwvv >*«» ~hm ^ >^k ^ '*j*i Sx^r^ and
v^. >.;u h Kv, V* ^v: -^ "v 7** ^^ ***
,Av Vo*>o* *V w~* * V <vv*w ïV Kirçs dues.

chap, xv TAVERNIER'S HONESTY 67

At the same time I paid him the 2 per cent for the
Kings dues, having received which he remarked that
he perceived that the Franks were persons of good
faith. He was the more persuaded of this, however,
when, drawing forth the stone of 48^ carats, I said,
" Sir, this is not in the Banian's book, and there is no
one in the town who knows that I have bought it, nor
would you yourself had I not told you. I do not wish
to defraud the King of his rights — here is what is due
to him on account of the price paid by me for this
stone/'1 The Governor appeared altogether surprised
and much edified by my proceeding ; he praised me
much, and said that this was an action worthy of an
honest man, and that there was not another merchant
in the country, whether Muhammadan or Hindu, who
would act in the same manner if he believed that no
one was aware of what he had purchased. Upon
this he summoned the richest merchants of the place,
and having told them the facts, ordered them to bring
with them the best stones they possessed. This was
done by three or four of them, and thus I expended my
20,000 pagodas in one or two hours. The transaction
having been completed and the money paid, he told
the merchants that as they had dealings with an honest
man they ought to present me with a souvenir. This
they did with a good grace, giving me a diamond
worth nearly 100 ecus.2 As for the Governor himself,
he gave me a turban and waistband.

I have to record a rather singular and curious
account of the manner in which the Indians, whether

1 Unlike his usual habit of giving prices, Tavernier carefully omits
all mention of what he paid for this stone.

2 ^22 : 10s.

68 TRAVELS IN INDIA book n

they are idolaters or Muhammadans, make their sales
of all kinds of commodities. All passes in complete
silence and without any one speaking.1 The seller and
the buyer are seated facing one another, like two
tailors, and one of the two opening his waistband the
seller takes the right hand of the buyer and covers his
own with the waistband, under which, in the presence
of many other merchants, who occupy themselves
sometimes in the same manner, the sale is accomplished
secretly without any one having cognisance of it. For
the seller and buyer talk neither by means of their lips
nor their eyes, but only by the hand, which they manage
to do in the following manner : — When the seller takes
the whole hand of the buyer that means iooo, and as
many times as he presses it so many thousands of
pagodas or rupees, according to the coin which may be
in question. When he takes only five fingers that
means 500, and when he takes only one it means 100.
In taking only the half up to the middle joint, 50 is
meant, and the end of the finger up to the first signifies
10. This is the whole of the mystery employed by
the Indians in their sales, and it often happens that in
the same place, where there are many people, a single
parcel will change hands five or six times without those
present knowing for how much it has been sold on
each occasion. As for the weight of the stones, one
need not be deceived if he does not buy in secret.
For when one buys them in public there is a man
specially employed by the King to weigh diamonds,

1 This system of selling by means of secret signs has often been
described by Indian travellers. For a recent account of it reference
may be made to the St. James* Gazette, January 20, 1887 ; and for
early notices see Anglo-Indian Glossary, Art "Sofala," p. 645.

chap, xv TAVERNIER CROSSES THE KISTNA 69

who receives no fees from private persons. When he
names the weight, both buyer and seller accept his
statement, since he has no interest in favouring either
party.

Having completed my business at the mine, the
Governor gave me six horsemen, in order that I might
traverse, with greater security, the tract under his
authority, which extends up to a river l separating the
Kingdom of Bijapur from that of Golconda. The
transit of this river is very difficult, because it is wide,
deep, and rapid, and there is neither bridge nor boat.
In order to cross it the same contrivances are used as
those of which I have elsewhere spoken for the
passage of certain Indian rivers, alike for men as for
their goods, carriages, cattle, and horses.

A round vessel of i o or 1 2 feet in diameter made
of branches of osier, like our hampers, and covered
outside with ox hides, serves in place of a boat,2 and
I have described in the same place how the passengers
adjust themselves. Good boats or a bridge over this
river might be provided, but the Kings of Golconda
and Bijapur do not allow them, because the river
serves to separate the two Kingdoms.

Every evening the boatmen on both banks are
obliged to report to the two sub-governors, who reside
on either side, at about a quarter of a league from
the river, an exact statement of the people, beasts of
burden, and merchandise which have crossed during
the day.

1 I.e. the Kistnâ with its tributary the Bhimâ which separated the
ancient Kingdoms.

2 Coracles (see vol. i, pp. 294 and 299). Tavernier is probably
not correct in saying that they were made of osiers or willow ; more
probably they were made of bamboo.

70 TRAVELS IN INDIA book ii

When I arrived at Golconda, three days had
elapsed since the death of Boëte, the apothecary, and
the room where I had left him had been sealed with two
seals — one being of the Kâzi, who corresponds to the
Chief Justice, and the other of the Shah-Bandar, who is
the Provost of the merchants. An officer of justice
watched the door of the chamber together with the
servants whom I had left with the defunct. Imme-
diately on my arrival the fact was announced to the
Kâzi and the Shah-Bandar, and forthwith they sent
to seek for me.

After I had saluted them, the Kâzi asked me
whether the money which was in the chamber of the
defunct was mine, and how I could prove it. I said
I had not any better proof to give him than the letters
of exchange which I had given to the Shroff, and that
since my departure he had by my orders paid the
sum to the defunct ; that I had instructed the latter
in case the Shroff paid in silver to change it into
golden pagodas, and forward them to me. Upon this
reply which I made to them, they sent to call the two
Shroffs who had paid my bills, to know if it was true,
and as they averred that it was, the Kâzi forthwith
ordered his lieutenant to go and open the door of the
room, and see if the seals were intact on all the bags.
He did not leave till he had my assurance that I had
found the full sum, and nothing was wanting.

I returned with him to make the same declaration
to the Kâzi and the Shah Bandar, and to thank them
for their trouble, and it ended by my signing a docu-
ment which they had written in Persian, in which I
testified my satisfaction.

The lieutenant told me that I must pay the

chap, xv BURIAL CHARGES 71

charges of the burial of Boëte, and those due to the
persons who had placed the seals, as well as those of
the officer who had kept guard at the door of the
chamber. These all amounted to but 9 rupees, or 4^
ecus of our money.1 One would not have got off so
easily in most places in Europe.

1 I.e. £1 :o:3.

CHAPTER XVI

Journey of the AutJwr to the other Mines, and concern-
ing the method of searching for Diamonds.

At seven days' journey eastwards from Golconda there
is another diamond mine, called Gani in the language
of the country, and Coulour in the Persian tongue.1

1 This mine has been identified in the Economic Geology of India,
by the routes in vol i, p. 173, and vol. ii, p. 94, with Kollur on the
Kistnâ, where, according to a MS. map by CoL Mackenzie, there was a
mine in 1798. The word Gani is equivalent to the Persian Kân-i,
signifying " mine of." It is found in use by writers of the present century
in connection with another mine, namely £tf«/-PartiaX It is the title
for this mine most commonly used in works on mineralogy and precious
stones, sometimes considerably modified in spelling, as Garee, etc But
it cannot be correctly used as the name of the mine where the Great
Mogul or any other diamond was found. The date assigned to the
discovery of this mine by Tavernier, namely about the middle of the
sixteenth century, is of no value any more than the period assigned for
the discovery of the Ramulkota mine. One hundred years, the native
estimate, means a long time, that is all.

Somewhere about the year 1622, William Methold, together with
Sir Andreas Socory and Sir Adolf Thomason, visited from Masuli-
patam certain diamond mines, which the first-named describes as being
situated " at the foot of a great mountayne, not far from a river called
Christena," the mining town being 2 miles off, and distant 108 English
miles, or 12 Gentine leagues (gows, or gosf) from Masulipatam. In
all respects, save as regards the distance, the description of the mines
and the methods of working correspond with Tavernier's account of
Coulour or Gani, i.e. Kollur. The distance given by Tavernier is 36 coss,
or 72 miles from Masulipatam — the true distance is about 100 miles.

In the Histoire Générale des Voyages, vol. xiii, p. 20, Methold is

chap, xvi DISCOVERY OF THE KOLLUR MINE 73

It is close to a large town on the same river which
I crossed when coming from the other mine,1 and at
a league and a half from the town there are high
mountains which are in the form of a cross. The
space which intervenes between the town and the
mountains is a plain where the mine is situated and the
diamonds are found. The nearer one searches towards
the mountains the larger the stones which are found,
but when one ascends too high nothing is found.2

It is only about 100 years since this mine was
discovered, and it was by means of a poor man, who,
digging a piece of ground where he purposed to sow
millet, found a point naive* weighing nearly 25 carats.
This kind of stone being unknown to him, and appear-
ing to him something special, he carried it to Golconda,
and by good luck addressed himself to one who traded
in diamonds. This trader having ascertained from the
peasant the place where he had found the stone, was
much surprised to see a diamond of such a weight,

misquoted as though he said the mines were but 2 leagues from Gol-
conda, whereas he says 2 miles from the temporary town, containing
100,000 persons, which had grown up in connection with the mines.
He says that they were closed for a time, in' consequence of a demand
made by the Mogul for a vyse (i.e. 3 lbs. English) of the finest diamonds.
The farmer paid the King 300,000 pagodas, say ,£120,000, per annum
for the mine, the King retaining all stones above 10 carats. This sum
is possibly an exaggeration — vide Purchase Pilgrims ', 1626, vol v, p.
1002. There is, as already stated, an account of the diamond mines of
Golconda and Bijapur in the Phil. Trans., vol. xii, No. 136, 1677.
Ruins of houses, etc, and old mines are still to be seen at Kollur. (See
Kistna Manual, pp. 1 70 and 244.)

1 I.e. the Kistnâ, crossed on the route from Raolconda (i.e.
Ramulkota) to Golconda (see p. 69).

2 The probable explanation of this is that the diamond-bearing
strata do not extend far up the slope.

3 This term was applied to natural octahedra and other modifica-
tions of the cube which the diamond assumes.

é

74 TRAVELS IN INDIA book ii

especially because, before that, the largest that had
been seen did not exceed 10 or 12 carats.1

The noise of this new discovery quickly spread
abroad throughout all the country, and some persons
of wealth in the town commenced to mine in this land,
where they found, and where they still find, large stones
in greater abundance than in any other mine.2 There
are found here at present, I say, a quantity of stones
from 10 up to 40 carats, and sometimes indeed much
larger ; but among others the great diamond which
weighed 900 carats before cutting, which Mir Jumla
presented to Aurangzeb,8 as I have elsewhere related,
was obtained from the mine.

But if this mine of Koll(jr is of importance on
account of the number of large stones which are found
there, it is a misfortune that, as a rule, these stones
are not clear, and that their water contains indications

1 This statement is quite incorrect, as will be seen in Appendix I.

2 In the paper in the Phil. Trans., which has just been referred to, the
largest diamonds are said to have been obtained at the mine of Currure,
i.e. Wajra Kurur in Bellary, where some of a seize (seer?) weight =
9 ounces troy, or 8i£ pagodas, were reported to have been discovered.
This mine, though unknown to Tavernier, had -been taken possession
of by Mir Jumla about the year 1 640 ? Probably there is some mistake
in the weight.

In the same paper this Kollur mine is called Quolure, it is said to have
been the first mine used in the Kingdom, but was then nearly exhausted.
Many of the diamonds found there were well formed and pointed, and
of good lively white water, others were yellow, brown, etc., and had a
greenish transparent skin. The weights ranged from 6 to a mangelin
up to 5 or 6, and even rarely 10, 15 or 20 mangelins each. In conse-
quence of its exhaustion, the King permitted the mine at Melwillee, i.e.
Mulavilly or Muléli, to be regularly worked in the year 1673.

8 This statement contains two mistakes. The stone was presented
by Mir Jumla to Shah Jahân, not to Aurangzeb, and in three other
places Tavernier gives its weight as 900 ratis or upwards, not carats ; the
latter misprint has unfortunately often been quoted. (See Appendix I.)

chap, xvi COLOURS OF DIAMONDS 75

of the quality of the soil where they are found. If
the soil is marshy and humid, the stone tends to black-
ness ; if it is reddish, it tends to red, and so with the
other conditions, sometimes towards green, sometimes
towards yellow, just as there is diversity of soil in the
area between the town and the mountain. Upon the
majority of these stones, after they are cut, there
always appears a kind of grease which necessitates
one always carrying a handkerchief in the hand in
order to wipe them.

As regards the water of the stones, it is to be
remarked that instead of, as in Europe, where we
employ daylight for the examination of stones in the
rough {brutes), and, so, carefully judge of their water
and any flaws which they may contain, the Indians use
the night ; and in a hole which they excavate in a wall,
one foot square, they place a lamp with a large wick,
by the light of which they judge of the water and the
cleanness of the stone, holding it between their fingers.
The water which they term "celestial" is the worst of
all, and it is impossible to ascertain whether it is
present while the stone is in the rough. But little
though it may be apparent on the mill, the never-failing
test for correctly ascertaining the water is afforded by
conveying the stone under a leafy tree, and in the
green shadow one can easily detect if it is blue.

The first time I was at this mine there were close
upon 60,000 persons who worked there, including men,
women, and children, who are employed in diverse
ways, the men in digging, the women and children in
carrying earth, for they search for the stones at this
mine in an altogether different manner from that
practised at Ramulkota.

76 TRAVELS IN INDIA book ii

After the miners have selected the place where
they desire to work, they smooth down another spot
close by, and of equal or rather greater extent, around
which they erect an enclosing wall of two feet in

*

height.

At the base of this little wall they make openings, at
every two feet, for the escape of the water, which they
close till it is time for the water to be drawn off. This
place being thus prepared, all who are about to engage
in the search assemble, men, women, and children,
together with their employer and a party of his relatives
and friends. He brings with him a figure in stone of
the god whom they worship, which being placed
standing on the ground, each prostrates himself three
times before it, their priest, however, offering up the
prayer. This prayer being finished, he makes a
particular kind of mark upon the forehead of each one
with a paste composed of saffron and gum, in order
that it may sustain seven or eight grains of rice, which
he places upon it. Next, having washed their bodies
with the water which each of them carries in a vessel,
they place themselves in ranks to eat that which is
presented at the feast given by their employer at the
beginning of their work, in order to give them courage
and induce them to acquit themselves faithfully. This
feast merely consists of a portion of rice to each, which
is distributed by the Brahmin, because every idolater
can eat what is served to him by the hands of the
priests. There are among them some so superstitious
that they will not even eat what is prepared by their
own wives, and prefer to cook for themselves.1 The
plate upon which the rice is placed is made of the

1 This is, I believe, still true of some castes.

chap, xvi DIAMOND MINING 77

leaves of a tree attached together ; to some extent they
resemble our walnut leaves.1 To each there is also
given about a quarter of a pound of melted butter in
a little cup of copper, with some sugar.

The repast being finished, each commences to
work, the men to excavate the earth, and the women
and children to carry it to the place which has been
prepared as I have above said. They excavate to 10,
12, of 14 feet in depth, but when they reach water
there is nothing more to hope for. All the earth being
carried to this place, men, women, and children raise
the water with pitchers from the hole which they have
excavated, and throw it upon the earth which they
have placed there, in order to soften it, leaving it thus
for one or two days, according to the tenacity of the
clay, until it assumes the condition of soup. This
being done, they open the holes which they made in
the wall to let off the water, then they throw on more,
so that all the slime may be removed, and nothing
remain but sand. It is a kind of clay which requires
to be washed two or three times. They then leave all
to be dried by the sun, which is quickly effected on
account of the great heat. They have a particular
kind of basket made something like a winnowing fan,
in which they place the earth, which they agitate as
we do when winnowing grain. The fine part is blown
away, and the coarse stuff which remains is subse-
quently replaced on the ground.

All the earth having been thus winnowed, they

1 In Western Bengal these would be the leaves of the Sâl, Shorea
robusta, Gaertn, the giant creeper, Bauhinia vahlit, W. and A., or the
Dhdk or PulaSy Butea frondosa Roxb. I cannot say what species would
be used in the region referred to by Tavernier.

78 TRAVELS IN INDIA book ii

spread it with a rake and make it as level as possible.
They then all stand together on the earth, each with a
large baton of wood like a huge pestle, half a foot wide
at the base, and they pound the earth, going from one
end to the other, always pounding each part two or
three times ; they then again place it in the baskets
and winnow, as they did on the first occasion, after
which they spread it out again and range themselves
on one side to handle the earth and search for
the diamonds, in which process they adopt the same
method as at Ramulkota. Formerly, instead of using
wooden pestles for pounding the earth, they pounded
it with stones, and it was that method which produced
so many flaws in the diamonds.

As for the royalties which are paid to the King,
the annual wages to the miners for their work, and the
presents which are given to them when they find any
large stone which they carry to the master whom they
serve, all are the same as at the Ramulkota mine.1
No one hesitated formerly to purchase diamonds which
had a green crust on the surface, because when cut
they proved to be white and of very beautiful water.

About thirty or forty years ago a mine situated
between Kollur and Ramulkota2 was discovered, but
the King ordered it to be closed on account of fraud, as
I shall explain in a few words. Stones were found in
it which had this green crust, beautiful and transparent,
they were even more beautiful than the others, but
when one attempted to grind them they broke in pieces.

1 Vide ante, p. 59.

2 I have elsewhere suggested (see Economic Geology of India, p. 16)
that this mine was situated near Damârapâd and Malawaram on the
Kistna in Lat 160 35', Long. 790 30', where old excavations are still to
be seen.

chap, xvi SPECULATIONS BY ENGLISH OFFICIALS 79

Whenever they were ground by another stone of
the same quality which had been found in the same
mine they submitted to the grinding without breaking,
but were unable to bear the wheel, upon which they
immediately flew into pieces. It is on this account
that one is careful not to buy those which have been
ground in this way, through fear of their breaking, and
it is, as I said, on account of the deceptions which have
been practised with these stones that the King ordered
the mine to be closed.1

While the Messrs. Fremlin and Francis Breton
were Presidents at Surat on behalf of the English
Company, a Jew named Edward Ferdinand, a free
merchant, that is to say not subject to any Company,
combined with these two gentlemen to purchase a
stone, a short time after the mine was discovered.
This stone was clean and of good form, and weighed
42 carats.2 Edward went to Europe, and Messrs.
Fremlin and Breton placed the stone in his hands
to sell to the best advantage, and render an account to
them. On his arrival at Leghorn 8 he showed it to

1 A little known but very important paper on the diamond mines of
Golconda, of which twenty-three are named, and of Visapore, i.e. Bijapur,
of which fifteen are named, is to be found in the Phil. Trans.y No. 136,
June 25, 1677, vol. xii, p. 907. The anonymous author must have been
in that part of India within ten or fifteen years of Tavernier's last visit.
It is but quite recently that I found this paper, unfortunately too late
to make the full use to which it might have been put in these footnotes.
It contains names which have long puzzled me owing to the confused
way in which they have been introduced into the literature of the sub-
ject. It has been referred to already on pp. 54 and 74, and will be
quoted again in Appendix II.

2 The extent to which investments in diamonds for themselves and
their friends in England were made by English officials at a later period
is very fully brought out in the letters recently published by Colonel Yule
in his account of the Pitt diamond (See Hedges Diary \ Hakluyt Society).

8 Ligorne in the original.

80 TRAVELS IN INDIA book ii

some Jew friends, who offered him 25,000 piastres1 for
it. But as he asked 30,000 he was unable to let
them have it, and took it to Venice to get it cut. It
was well cut, without any injury, but upon being put
upon the wheel it was immediately broken into nine
pieces. I myself was on one occasion deceived by one
of these stones, which weighed 2 carats ; it broke into
small pieces on the wheel when it was only half
finished.

1 Say ^5625.

CHAPTER XVII

A continuation of the Author s Journeys to the

Diamond Mines

I come to the third mine, which is the most ancient of
all, and is situated in the Kingdom of Bengal. You
may call it by the name of Soumelpour,1 which is a
large town near to which the diamonds are found, or
rather by the name Koel, which is that of the river in
the sand of which they are found. The country
through which this river has its course belongs to a
Raja who was formerly a tributary of the Great
Mogul, having withdrawn from his allegiance during
the wars between Shah Jahàn and Jahângir his
father. Immediately on his coming to the throne

1 Among a host of writers of this century, so far as I know, Karl
Ritter (Erdkunde Asien) and Francis Buchanan (in Martin's Eastern
India, vol. i, p. 535) alone suggested that this locality was not to be
identified with another diamond locality, Sambalpur on the Mahânadi,
in the Central Provinces. I have been able to show that it was situated
in the District of Lohârdagâ and subdivision of Palâmau in Chutiâ"
Nagpur, and that the Gouel river is identical with the Koel, which
traverses that District. It joins the Sone not far from the fortress of
Rohtâs. and so its waters find their way northwards to the Ganges. It
is probable that both Sambalpur and Soumelpour derive their names
from the Semul tree (Bombax\ and about the site which I assign to
the latter there are the remains of an old town called Semah — Lat. 230
35' N., and Long. 84e 21' E. As the available details regarding these
long-forgotten mines are too long for a footnote, they will be found in
an Appendix at the end of this volume.

VOL. II G

82 TRAVELS IN INDIA book ii

Shah Jahàn sent to demand tribute from this Raja,
both for the present and the past ; and the Raja, as
his property was not sufficient to discharge the whole,
quitted the country and fortified himself together with
his subjects in the mountains. Upon the news of the
refusal which the Raja first made, Shah Jahân, who
did not know that he purposed to hide, but believed
that he intended to defend himself, sent an army into
his country, where he was persuaded that he would
find an abundance of diamonds. It happened other-
wise, however, for those who were sent into the country
of the Raja found neither diamonds, inhabitants, nor
food, the Raja having ordered all the grain which his
subjects could not carry with them to be burnt, and
this was so effectually done that the greater portion
of Shah Jahàn's army perished of famine. The final
result of the matter was, that the Raja returned to his
country on agreeing to pay a light annual tribute to
the Great Mogul.

The following is the route to be followed from
Agra to this mine : —

From Agra to H alabas (Allahàbàd) i 30 coss.

„ H alabas to Banarous (Benares) . 33 ,,
„ Banarous to Saseron (Sasseram) . 4 ,,

From Agra to Sasseram * you travel eastwards,

1 This route is also given in Book I, chap, viii, pp. 1 1 3 to 1 20, but
the details are very different. In the first place Sasseram and the large
town are here misplaced. The latter is probably the Gourmabad, i.e.
the Khurmâbâd, of p. 120, but the distance, which there amounts to 27
coss, is here stated to be only 21 coss. The true distance is about 58
miles. After Khurmàbâd, not before it, Sasseram comes as the next
stage, distant 4 coss, the true distance being 1 2 miles ; but after it again
the distance to Rohtâs is understated at 4 coss, it being really about 24
miles. These discrepancies may be explained by the fact that Tavernier
does not appear to have gone to Rohtas from Sasseram. If he visited

chap, xvii ROHTÀS FORT 83

but between Sasseram and the mine you turn to the
south and come first to a large town — 21 coss. This
town belongs to the Raja of whom I have just spoken,
to whom the country belongs which is traversed by the
river in which the diamonds are found.

After this town one reaches a fortress called Rohtàs1
— 4 coss. It is one of the strongest places in Asia,
situated upon a mountain having six great bastions and
twenty-seven pieces of cannon, with three trenches full
of water where there are good fish. There is but a
single path by which to ascend the mountain, where
there is a plain of half a league or so in area, where
corn and rice are cultivated. There are more than
twenty springs which irrigate the soil, and all about
the mountain from the base to the top there are preci-
pices covered for the most part with forests. The Rajas
ordinarily held this fortress with from 700 to 800 men,
but it at present belongs to the Great Mogul, who ac-
quired it by the skill of that great Captain Mir Jumlà
of whom I have so often had occasion to speak. The
last Raja left three sons who betrayed each other ; the
eldest was poisoned, the second attached himself to
the court of the Great Mogul, who gave him the
command of 4000 horse, and the youngest maintains
his position in the country by paying tribute like his
father. All the Kings of India, successors of Tamer-
lane, have besieged this place without being able to

it and the diamond mine, as is probable, he almost certainly did so
from Patna, in which neighbourhood he was for some time in 1 640 and
again in 1665-6. (See Index.)

1 Rodas in the original — Rohtâsgarh, Lat 240 27' 30", Long. 83*
55' 5°". (See Sir W. W. Hunter's Statistical Account of Bengal, vol.
xii, pp. 209-212.) There are also detailed descriptions and plans in
Montgomery Martin's Eastern Asia, vol. i, p. 432.

take it. <ZjH indeed two of these Kings died in ihe cît
of SavîXx^jc-

From the Fortress of Rohtas to Sc'Vjœlj'C-vi: :t is

5ovKi:?ovh : is a large town with houses built of
clay only, and thatched with the branches of the
cocoa-nut tree-* These thirty coss traverse forests
which are dangerous, because the thieves, who know
that merchants do not visit the mine without carrying
money, attack them sometimes for the purpose of
murdering them.* The Raja lives at half a coss dis-
tance from the town, and his dwelling is in tents placed
on an eminence. The Koel passes the fort, and it is
in this river that the diamonds are found It comes
from the high mountains to the south and loses its
name in the Ganges.4

This is the manner in which diamonds are sought
for in this river. After the great rains are over, that is
to say usually in the month of December, the diamond
seekers await the conclusion of the month of January,
when the river becomes low, because at that time, in
many parts, it is not more than two feet deep, and
much of the sand is left uncovered. Towards the

1 This name is left in its original form in the text, as its identification
with Semah, although most probable, has not been absolutely proved.

* Although the cocoa-nut has been observed nearly as far inland as
this locality, I do not think there are any in that part of the country
now. It is possible that the leaves of the Tal palm (fiorassus flabilli-
formity Linn.) are meant.

* Descendants of the thieves belonging to the Dom tribe still roam
about Palàmau. Out of three occasions when my camp was robbed dur-
ing seventeen years' travelling in India, two were in this district and
the third not very far from its limits.

4 It joins the Sone, which flows into the Ganges. It is possible
that Pliny's mention of the Ganges as yielding precious stones may be
connected with this fact.

k

chap, xvii DIAMOND MINES IN BENGAL 85

end of January or commencement of February, from
the town of Soumelpour and also from another town
which is 20 coss higher up the same river, and
from some small villages on the plain, about 8000
persons of both sexes and of all ages capable of
working assemble.

Those who are expert know that the sand contains
diamonds beneath, when they find small stones in
it which resemble those we call "thunder stones."1
They commence to search in the river at the town of
Soumelpour and proceed up-stream to the mountains
where it takes its rise, which are situated about
50 coss from the town.2 In the places where they
believe there are diamonds they excavate the sand
in the following manner. They encircle these places
with stakes, fascines, and clay, in order to remove
the water and dry the spot, as is done when it is
intended to build the pier of a bridge. They then
take out the sand, but do not excavate below the depth

1 It is to be noted in reference to these "pierres de tonnerre" which
I take to be ferruginous concretions, that in the Tuzuk-i-Jahângiri as
translated by Blochman (J. A. S. B., vol. xl, p. 114) there occurs
the following passage : " When the river contains little water, tumuli and
hollows are formed. The diamond diggers know from experience that
those tumuli contain diamonds over which insects (?), called by the Hindus
jnînga,hover." It seems just possible that the term "jhinga" (shrimps?)
may in this instance have been applied technically to the particular kind
of pebbles which Tavernier denominated as above, and that the late Mr.
Blochman was unaware of the technical application of the term.

2 The distance of the source of the river is here very much over-
stated, but by crossing the watershed, the Sank river is met with, and in it
diamonds used to be found. (Vide map in Appendix III.) The sources
of these rivers are close to one another, and there the diamond stratum
should be looked for. Unfortunately I had not made this identification
of Tavern ier's site when traversing that part of the country, and there
is, so far as I know, no local tradition of diamonds having been found
in the Koel.

N

86 TRAVELS IN INDIA book ii

of two feet. All this sand is carried and spread upon
a large place prepared on the banks of the river and
surrounded by a low wall of a foot and a half high, or
thereabouts. They make holes at the base, and when
they have filled the enclosure with as much sand as
they think proper, they throw water upon it, wash it
and break it, and afterwards follow the same method as
is adopted at the mine which I have above described.

It is from this river that all the beautiful points
come which are called points naives 1 (natural points),
but a large stone is rarely found there. It is now
many years since these stones have been seen in
Europe, in consequence of which many merchants
have supposed that the mine has been lost, but it is
not so ; it is true, however, that a long time has elapsed
since anything has been obtained in this river on
account of the wars.2

I have spoken elsewhere of another mine of
diamonds in the Province of Carnatic, which Mir
Jumlà, General-in-Chief and Prime Minister of State
of the King of Golconda, commanded to be closed,8
not wishing that it should be worked further, because
the stones from it, or rather from these six mines (for

1 I.e. diamonds having crystalline facets and angles. (See p. 73.)
8 From this circumstantial account it would seem probable that
Tavernier visited this locality himself during his stay at Patna in 1 640
or in 1666. The statement on p. 53 that he had visited the four
mines which he describes and one of the two river washings is puzzling,
because, if Gandikot is to be classed as one of the mines, then he
describes none of the river washings, as he calls Soumelpour the third
"mine" on p. 81.

8 See Book I, chap, xviil This appears to be a different case from
that mentioned on p. 78, where the green crust and friability of the
diamonds caused the mines to be closed. It is probably the one which
Mir Jumlâ told Tavernier of at Gandikot (See vol. i, p. 288.)

chap, xvii DIAMONDS OF BORNEO 87

there are six of them, close to one another) were all
black or yellow, and not one of good water.

There is, finally, in the Island of Borneo,1 the
largest of all the islands in the world; a river called
Succadan, in the sand of which beautiful stones are
found, which have the same hardness as those of the
river Koel, or of the other mines of which I have
made mention.

General Vandime once sent six of them, of 3 to 4
carats each, from Batavia to me at Surat, and he
believed that they were not so hard as those from other
mines, in which he was mistaken, because there is no
difference in that respect ; it was in order to ascertain
the fact that he sent them to me. When I was at Batavia
one of the chief officers of the Company showed me
a point naive of 25^ carats, a perfect stone, obtained
in this river of Succadan. But at the price which he
told me it had cost him he had paid more than 50
per cent more than I should have been willing to buy

1 In 1609 Captain John Saris found a considerable trade being
carried on at Soekadana in the diamonds which he says were found in
great abundance there and in the river Lave. He says they were
obtained, as pearls are, by diving. I think it well to refer here to a
footnote to Linschotens* Travels (Hakluyt Society, vol. ii, p. 1 34), where
Mr. Tiele gives an explanation of a statement, first made, I believe,
by Garcia de Orta, that diamonds were found at Taniapura in Malacca.
Here Malacca, it seems, means Borneo, and Taniapura stands for Tand-
jongpura. There is hardly a work on precious stones which does not
erroneously cite Malacca as a diamond locality. I have been informed
by Mr. D. F. A. Hervey that Tanjongpura is situated about 30 miles
up the river Pâwan in the northern portion of the Mâtan District,
adjoining Soekadana, according to De Carubee's Netherlands India
Maps. The question of the distribution and mode of occurrence of
diamonds in Borneo, though now well understood, is too large to enter
upon here. Probably the best account is by Dr. Theodor Posewitz.
(Vide Mith a. d. Jahrb. d Kgl. Ung. Geolog. Anst, Bd. vii, 1885 ; see
Appendix.)

88 TRAVELS IN INDIA book n

it for. It is true that I have always heard that these
stones are very dear. The principal reason which has
prevented me from going to this river of Borneo is
that the Queen of the Island does not allow foreigners
to carry away the stones, and there are great difficulties
in conveying them thence — the insignificant number
which are carried away secretly are sold at Batavia.
I shall be asked, without doubt, why I only mention
the Queen of Borneo, and not the King. The
reason is that in this Kingdom it is the women who
govern and not the men, because the people are so
particular about having for their sovereign a legiti-
mate heir to the throne that the husband not being
certain that the children which he believes to have had
by his wife are his very own, and the wife being, on
the contrary, quite certain that the children are hers,
they prefer to have a woman for their ruler, to whom
they give the title of Queen, her husband being her
subject, and not having more power than that which
she chooses to confer upon him.1

1 Descent by the mother's side obtains in some other Oriental
countries, and is observed among the Nairs of Malabar.

CHAPTER XVIII

The different kinds of Weights for weighing Diamonds
at tJie Mines ; the kinds of Gold and Silver in circu-
lation; the routes by which one is able to travel;
and the rule in use for the estimation of the Prices
of Diamonds.

I come now to some details as to the traffic in
diamonds, and in order that the reader may under-
stand easily — believing that no one has previously
written of this matter1 — I shall speak in the first
instance of the different kinds of weights which are in
use, both at the mines and in other places in Asia.

At the mine of Ramulkota they weigh by man-
gelins, and the mangelin is equal to if carats, that is
to say, 7 grains.2

At the mine of (Gani8 or) Kollur the same
weights are used.

At the mine of Soumelpour in Bengal they weigh
by ratis, and the rati is \ ths of a carat, or 3^ grains.4

1 In this Tavernier was mistaken, several Portuguese writers having
treated of this subject before his time.

2 Seven modern diamond grains = 5.55 grains troy, the proportion
being 3. 1 7 troy grains to the carat of 4 diamond grains.

8 See p. 72 for meaning of Gani.

4 This ( = 2.77 troy grains) was the pearl rati, much greater than the
ordinary rati, which varied from 1.75 to 1.84 grains troy, or even more.
(See on this point vol i, Appendix, and Preface, vol. ii for correction.)

90 TRAVELS IN INDIA book ii

This last weight is used throughout the whole of the
Empire of the Great Mogul.

In the Kingdoms of Golconda and Bijapur man-
gelins are also used, but the mangelin in these places is
only if carats.1 The Portuguese use the same weight
name in Goa, but it is then equal to only 5 grains.2

I come now to the kinds of money with which
diamonds are purchased in India.

Firstly, in the Kingdom of Bengal, in the terri-
tories of the Raja of whom I have spoken, as they are
included in the dominion of the Great Mogul, pay-
ment is made in rupees.

At the two mines8 which are in the Kingdom of
Bijapur, in the neighbourhood of Ramulkota, pay-
ment is made in the new pagodas which the King
coins in his own name, being entirely independent
of the Great Mogul. The new pagoda does not
always bear the same value, for sometimes it is valued
at 3^ rupees,4 sometimes more and sometimes less,
according as it is elevated or depressed by the state of
trade, and according as the money-changers arrange
matters with the Princes and Governors.

At the mine of Kollur (or Gani), which belongs to
the King of Golconda, payment is made in new pagodas
of equal value with those of the King of Bijapur. But
one has to buy them sometimes at from 1 to 4 per cent
premium, because they are of better gold, and because
the merchants do not accept others at this mine.

1 I.e. 4.36 troy grains. These weights and their modern equiva-
lents are discussed in vol i, Appendix. Elsewhere Tavernier seems to
imply that Ramuikota being in Bijapur, this mangelin was used there.

2 I.e. 3.962 troy grains.

8 The second mine here referred to was possibly the one mentioned
as having been closed (see p. 78 n.) 4 Id. 7s. io£d.

»■»■

chap, xviii NEW AND OLD PAGODAS 91

These pagodas are made by the English and Dutch,
who have obtained from the King, either by agreement
or by force, permission to manufacture them, each in
their own fortress. And those of the Dutch cost i or
2 per cent more than those of the English, because
they are of better quality, and the miners also much
prefer them. But as the majority of the merchants
are influenced by the false reports that the people at
the mine are unsophisticated and almost savages, and
that, moreover, the routes from Golconda to the mines
are very dangerous, they generally remain at Gol-
conda, where those who work the mines have their
correspondents to whom they send the diamonds.
Payments are made there with old pagodas, well worn,
and coined many centuries ago by different Princes, who
reigned in India before the Muhammadans gained a
footing in the country. These old pagodas are worth
4^ rupees,1 i.e. i rupee more than the new, although
they do not contain more gold, and consequently do
not weigh more ; this will be a cause of astonishment
if I do not explain the reason. It is that the Shroffs
or Changers, in order to induce the King not to have
them recoined, pay him annually a large sum, because
they themselves thereby derive a considerable profit ;
for the merchants never receive these pagodas with-
out the aid of one of these Changers to examine them,
some being defaced, others of low standard, others of
short weight, so that if one accepted them without this
examination he would lose much, and would have the
trouble to return them, or perhaps lose from i to even
5 or 6 per cent, in addition to which he must pay the
Shroffs £th per cent for their trouble. When you pay

1 I.e. ios. ijd.

\

92 TRAVELS IN INDIA book ii

the miners, they will also only receive these pagodas in
presence of the Changer, who points out to them the
good and bad, and again takes his Jth per cent. But
to save time, when you desire to make a payment of
iooo or 2000 pagodas, the Changer, when receiving
his dues, encloses them in a little bag, on which he
places his seal, and when you wish to pay a merchant
for his diamonds you take him, with the bag, to the
Changer, who, seeing his own seal intact, assures him
that he has examined all the coins, and will be respon-
sible if any do not prove good.

As for rupees, the miners take indifferently those
of the Great Mogul and those of the King of Gol-
conda, because those coined by this King would have
been the coinage of the Great Mogul if these
monarchs had remained on good terms.

The natives of India have more intelligence and
subtlety than one thinks. As the pagodas are small,
thick pieces of gold of the size of the nail of the little
finger, and as it is impossible to clip them without it
being apparent, they bore small holes in them all
round, from whence they extract 3 or 4 sols value of
gold dust, and they close them with such skill that
there is no appearance of the coins having been touched.
Moreover, if you buy anything in a village, or when
you cross a river, if you give the boatmen a rupee,
they immediately kindle a fire and throw the rupee
into it, from whence if it comes out white they accept
it, but if black they return it ; for all the silver in
India is of the highest quality, and that which is
brought from Europe has to be taken to the mint to
be recoined. I say also that those are very much
deceived (as a merchant tried to make me believe in

chap, xviii ROUTE FROM GOLCONDA TO RAMULKOTA 93

my first journey) who imagine that it answers to take
to the mines spices, tobacco, mirrors, and other trifles
of that kind to barter for diamonds ; for I have fully
proved the contrary, and am able to assert that the
merchants at the mine who sell the diamonds require
good gold, and the best too.

Now let us say something as to the routes to be
followed to the mines. Some modern rather fabulous
accounts represent them to be, as I have said, danger-
ous and difficult, and frequented by tigers, lions,1 and
barbarous people ; but I have found them altogether
different from what they were represented to be —
without wild beasts, and the people full of good will
and courtesy to strangers.

As for Golconda, one need know but little of the
map to be cognisant of its position ; but from Golconda
to Ramulkota, where the principal mine is, the route
is less known, and this is the one which I followed.
The measure of distance in this country is the^w, and
a gos is equal to 4 French leagues.2
From Golconda to Canapour 8 . . . .1
Canapour to Parquel (Boorgul) . 2\

Parquel to Cakenol (Koadgul4) . . 1
Cakenol to Canol-Candanor (Kundanool) 3
Canol-Candanor to Setapour6 . . I

,, Setapour to the river (i.e. Kistnà) . . 2

1 Lions are not likely to have occurred so far south in India in
Tavernier's time.

2 Le. to say about 8 miles. (See vol. i, Appendix, p. 420.)

3 Canapour has not been identified ; it was probably near Narkodâ
of the Atlas Sheet. The identifications of some of the localities on this
route published in Jour. As. Soc, 1881, vol. i, part ii, p. 219, as my
informant included places off the true route, prove to be incorrect.

4 Koadgul is 10 miles from Boorgul and 24 from Kundanool

5 Setapour does not appear on the Atlas Sheet

>»

M

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>»

1>

94 TRAVELS IN INDIA book ii

This river is the boundary between the Kingdoms
of Golconda and Bijapur.

From River to Alpour (Alumpur) £

Alpour to Canol (Karnul) £

Canol to Raolconda (Ramulkota) where

the mine is 2^

Thus in all it is 1 7 gos> or 68 French leagues from
Golconda to the mine.1

From Golconda to the mine of Colour, or Gani,2
it is I3f gos, which amounts to 55 of our leagues.
I From Golconda to Almaspinde (Almasgooda ?) . 3^

j „ Almaspinde to Kaper (?) .

f „ Kaper to Montecour (Moonoogodoo)

,, Montecour to Nazelpar (Nagoolpad)
„ Nazelpar to Eligada (Lingalla ?) .
,, Eligada to Sarvaron (Surra waram)
,, Sarvaron to Mellaserou (Mailacheroo) i
„ Mellaserou to Ponocour (?) 3 . . . if
Between Ponocour and Coulour or Gani (Kol-
lur) there is only the river 4 to cross.

1 This route crossed two rivers, namely the main stream of the
Kistnâ and its tributary the Tungabhadra, Alumpur being situated in
the fork between, and Karnul being on the south bank of the Tunga-
bhadra. The total of these distances, as printed, is 1 4% gos, which at
4 leagues to the gos would be equal to 58 leagues. The true distance
by this route would be about 135 miles, which is equal to the 17 gos,
or 68 leagues. Hence some of the stages must be understated.

2 See p. 72, where it is shown that Gani (Kân-i) is only a Persian
prefix signifying " mine oÇ" and that Coulour is identified with Kollur
on the Kistnâ.

8 The total of these distances is 15J (not I3f)£w, which, as above,
would be equal to 61 leagues. The distance of the first stage is
evidently wrong, being in reality only about 10 miles. The distance by
the route given in Book I, chap, xi, is 76 coss.

4 The river here mentioned is the Kistnâ, and Ponocour must have
been in the position of Vellutar. Vellatoor, lower down the Kistna, is
quite distinct.

2
2

1*

I

chap, xviii THE PRICE OF DIAMONDS 95

I come now to an important subject which is little
understood in Europe.

Rule for ascertaining the proper price of a Diamond of
whatsoever weight it may be, from 3 up to and
above 100 carats.

I do not mention diamonds below 3 carats, their
price being sufficiently well known.

It is first necessary to know what the diamond
weighs, and next to see if it is perfect, whether it is
a thick stone, square-shaped, and having all its angles
perfect ; whether it is of a beautiful white water, and
lively, without points, and without flaws. If it is a
stone cut into facettes, which is ordinarily called "a
rose," it is necessary to observe whether the form is
truly round or oval ; whether the stone is well-spread,
and whether it is not one of those lumpy stones ; and,
moreover, whether it is of uniform water, and is without
points and flaws, as I described the thick stone.

A stone of this quality, weighing 1 carat, is worth
150 livres1 or more, and supposing it is required to
know the value of a stone of 12 carats of the same
degree of perfection, this is how it is to be ascer-
tained : —

Square the 12, this amounts to 144 ; next multiply

1 Say £\\ : 5s., at is. 6cL to the livre. Thevenot gives 15 to 16
ecus as the price of stones of 1 or 2 mangelins, but those of 3 mangelins
were worth at the rate of 30 ecus the mangelin. ( Voyage des Indes,
Paris Ed., 1684, p. 289.) As Thevenot gives the value of a mangelin
at 1.6 carats, 3 would be equal to 4.8 carats, and the price 90 ecus, or
£20 : 5s., while Tavernier's valuation for a stone of 4.8 carats would be
4.8 x 4.8 x 1 50 = 3456 livres =£259 : 4s. This enormous discrepancy
must be due to a mistake by Thevenot,

96 TRAVELS IN INDIA book ii

144 by 150, i.e. the price of 1 carat, and it amounts
to 21,600 livres —

12 x 12 x i5o=2i,6oo.1

This is the price of a diamond of 1 2 carats.

But it is not enough to know the price of perfect
diamonds only, one must know also the price of those
which are not so ; this is ascertained by the same rule,
and on the basis of the price of a stone of 1 carat.
This is an example —

Suppose a diamond of 15 carats which is not
perfect, the water being not good, or the stone badly
shaped, or full of spots or flaws. A diamond of
the same nature, of the weight of 1 carat, would not
be worth more than 60 or 80 or 100 livres at the most,
according to the beauty of the diamond. You must
then square the weight of the diamond, i.e. 15 carats,
and next multiply the product 125 by the value of the
stone of 1 carat, which may for example be 80 livres,
and the product, which is 10,000 2 livres, is the price of
the diamond of 15 carats.

It is easy to see from this the great difference in

1 Le. ^1620. Whatever may have been the case, it is now
apparent that no hard and fast rule can be given to determine the
selling value of diamonds, as it is subject to very great variations.

Among other formula?, however, the following may be mentioned : —

— (m + 2) a where m = the number of carats, and a the value of 1.
2

This is given in Handbuch der Edelstein, A. Schrauf, Vienna. A stone

of 1 2 carats, similar in quality to that above given, so calculated, would

be worth ^945.

2 £75°- But tn^s calculation, though represented graphically as a
sum in figures, in the original, is wholly incorrect, as 15 x 15 = 225,
not 125, and the product of its multiplication by 80 is 18,000 instead
of 10,000 livres, the value of the diamond consequently would be j£i 350.
In the edition of Tavernier of 1679, I find that this sum is correctly
calculated as above.

chap, xviii VALUE OF THE GREAT MOGUL'S DIAMOND 97

value between a perfect stone and one which is not so.
For if this stone of 15 carats had been perfect, the
second multiplication would be by 150, which is the
price of a perfect stone of 1 carat, and then it would
amount not to 10,000 livres, but to 33,750 livres, i.e. to
23,750 l livres more than an imperfect diamond of the
same weight.

According to this rule, the following is the value
of the two largest among the cut stones in the world —
one of them in Asia belonging to the Great Mogul,
the other in Europe belonging to the Grand Duke of
Tuscany — as will be seen by the subjoined figures.

The Great Mogul's diamond weighs 279^ carats,
is of perfect water, good form, and has only a small
flaw which is in the edge of the basal circumference
of the stone.

Except for this flaw the first carat would be placed
at 160 livres, but on that account I do not estimate it
at more than 150, and so calculated according to the
above given rule it reaches the sum of 11,723,278
livres, 14 sols, and 3 liards. If this diamond only
weighed 2 79 carats, it would have been worth 1 1 ,676, 1 50
livres only, and thus these -j^ths are worth 47,128
livres, 14 sols, 3 liards}

The Grand Duke of Tuscany's diamond weighs
1 39^ carats, is clear, and of good form, cut on all sides
into facettes, and as the water tends somewhat to a
citron colour,8 I estimate the first carat at only 135

1 I.e. .£2531 :5s., and j£i78i :5s. The former is correctly cal-
culated, but the latter should be 33,750- 18,000 livres =15,750
livres =£1 181 : 5s.

2 These amounts are equivalent to ^879,245 : 18 : i-J-, ^875,71 1 : 5s.,
and ^3534 :. 13 : 1 \ — the livre being is. 6d, and the sol çd.

3 This description and that in chap, xxii, as also the figure of

VOL. II H

98 TRAVELS IN INDIA book ii

livres, from which the value of the diamond ought to
be 2,608,335 — that is to say, two million six hundred
and eight thousand three hundred and thirty -five
livres}

In concluding the remarks which I have made in
this chapter, I should say that in the language of the
miners the diamond is called iri;% that in Turkish,
Persian, and Arabic it is called almas? and that in
all the languages of Europe it has no other name than
diamond.

This, then, in a few words is all that I have been
able to discover with my own eyes in regard to this
subject during the several journeys which I made to
the mines ; and if by chance some other has written
or spoken of them before me, it can only have been
from the reports which I have made of them.4

the stone, correspond in all important respects with the " Austrian
yellow," now in the possession of the Emperor of Austria. Its weight
is 1 33 J Vienna carats according to Schrauf, which would amount to
134 French carats, the proportion in milligrams being 206.13 : 205.5,
and not to 139 £ as stated in the work quoted below. The value of the
stone has been variously estimated at ^40,000, ,£50,000, and even
^155,682. (See The Great Diamonds of the World, by E. Streeter,
London, 1882, and Murray on the Diamond, Second Edition, London,
1839.) The figure which the latter gives of the Matan diamond is really
of Tavernier's " Grand Duke," not so the figure purporting to be of itself.

1 The equivalent of 2,608,335 livres is ^195,625 : 2 : 6.

2 Linschoten has iraa, both are from the Sanskrit hira, the term
now used in Hindustani, and some other languages in India.

8 Almâs is believed to be closely related with the adamas of the
Greeks and Romans — the latter term, however, does not appear to have
been originally applied to the diamond but to corundum.

4 It has already been shown that Methold had actually visited the
mines before Tavernier. (See p. 72, n.) And it is probable that
Caesar Frederick had been at Ramulkota, which he describes, about the
year 1570. (See Hakluyt's Voyages.)

CHAPTER XIX

Concerning Coloured Stones and the places wJiere tJiey

are obtained.

There are only two places in the East where coloured
stones are obtained, namely in the Kingdom of Pegu
and in the island of Ceylon. The first is a mountain
twelve days or thereabouts from Siren1 in a north-
east direction, and it is called Capelan.2 It is the
mine from whence is obtained the greatest quantity of
rubies, spinelles or mothers of rubies, yellow topazes,
blue and white sapphires, hyacinths, amethysts, and
other stones of different colours. Among these hard
stones others which are soft are found, and are called
6acanB in the language of the country. These are
not considered to be valuable.

Siren is the name of the city where the King of
Pegu resides, and Ava is the port of the Kingdom.
From Ava to Siren you ascend the river in large flat

1 Siren here is a mistake for Ava. Siriam or Syriam is a port
on the Pegu river 6 miles E. of Rangoon. It was famous in con-
nection with Portuguese dealings with Pegu, and was the site of an
English factory in the seventeenth century. (See Anglo-Indian Glossary.)
In the second reference below it would seem that the names Siren and
Ava are transposed, as Ava was the capital and Syriam the port.

2 I.e. Kyatpyen. Its distance from Ava is about 70 miles. (See
Map in vol. i, and Appendix on Burmah ruby mines.)

3 Bacan. This is possibly the Persian pdkand or bdkand, which
signifies ruby.

100 TRAVELS IN INDIA book ii

boats, and it is a voyage lasting about sixty days. You
cannot travel by land on account of the forests, which
abound with lions,1 tigers, and elephants. It is one of
the poorest countries in the world ; nothing comes
from it but rubies, and even they are not so abundant
as is generally believed, seeing that the value does not
amount to 100,000 ecus* per annum.

Among all these stones you would find it difficult
to meet with one of good quality, weighing 3 or 4
carats, because of the strict injunctions against allowing
the removal of any which the King has not seen ;
and he retains all the good ones which he finds among
them. This is the reason why in all my journeys I
have earned a sufficiently large profit by bringing
rubies from Europe into Asia ; and I very much
doubt the story of Vincent le Blanc when he says
that he has seen rubies in the Kings palace as large
as eggs.8

The following is the price of some rubies which
might pass as of good quality. During my several
journeys I saw them sold by merchants who came
from the mine, while I was at Masulipatam and Gol-
conda. All rubies are sold by the weight called rati,

1 Lions here, as elsewhere, must be understood as a figure of speech,
since there are none in Burmah.

2 ^22,500. In the year 1855 ^e revenue from the mines was
estimated at from ^12,500 to ;£ 15,000. Since the conquest of Upper
Burmah these mines have, as is well known, been let for a term of years
to an English Company. Further information will be found in an
Appendix to this volume.

3 I cannot find this statement in the copy of Le Blanc's Voyages
which I possess, namely, the Paris Edition of 1648. Sir T. Roe speaks
of a ruby weighing 13 tolas, or about 5 \ oz., which was offered to
Jahàngir for 5 lakhs of rupees by the Portuguese, but he offered only
one lakh for it. (Secjourna/, Calcutta Edition, p. 32.)

m^mmm

«

i»^»K_-

■MS

XMM^JL^i

CHAP. XIX

PRICE OF RUBIES

101

which is 3^ grains or -J th of a carat j1 and payment
is made in the old pagodas, of which I have spoken
in the preceding chapter : —

A ruby of i rati was sold for 20 pagodas.
2\ ratis ,, 85

»»

>>

»»

»>

M

3i
4*

5
6£

M

>>

>>

>>

l85
450

525
920 2

When a ruby exceeds 6 ro/tr, and is perfect, it is sold
for whatever is asked for it.

All the other coloured stones in this country are
called by the name ruby, and are only distinguished by
colour.8 Thus in the language of Pegu the sapphire
is a blue ruby, the amethyst a violet ruby, the topaz a
yellow ruby, and so with the other stones.

The dealers are so particular about their profit in
trade that they will not show you a parcel of rubies, al-
though they may be fine, unless you promise beforehand
that in case you do not buy you will make them a small
present — as a turban or a waistband ; and when one
acts somewhat liberally to them they show all their stock,
and one can then transact some business with them.

The other place in the East whence rubies and
other coloured stones are obtained is a river in the

1 Namely the pearl rati =2.77 grs. troy (see Appendix to vol. i, and
Preface, vol. ii.)

2 In other words, a ruby of 18 grains troy was sold for about
^465 : 15 s. — the rati being equal to 2.77 grains troy, and the pagoda
to 1 os. 1 Jd. (See vol. i, Appendix.) According to Mr. Streeter {Pre-
cious Stones) rubies over a carat in weight vary in value from j£2o to
;£ioo per carat at present, but he adds that no definite price can be
given to aid the purchaser.

8 A very legitimate system of nomenclature, as they are all of the
same chemical composition, viz. alumina or corundum.

102 TRAVELS IN INDIA book H

island of Ceylon.1 It comes from high mountains which
are in the middle of the island, and as the rains greatly
increase its size — three or four months after they have
fallen, and when the water is lowered, the poor people
go to search amongst the sand, where they find rubies,
sapphires, and topazes. The stones from this river are
generally more beautiful and cleaner than those of Pegu.
I forgot to remark that in the mountains which run
from Pegu towards the Kingdom of Camboya2 some
rubies are found in certain places, but more balass
rubies8 than others, many spinelles, sapphires, and
topazes. There are gold mines in these mountains,
and rhubarb4 also comes from these places, which is

1 In Ceylon sapphire is the variety of corundum most commonly
found, but rubies are also sometimes met with. The annual average
value of precious stones found in Ceylon is said to be about ,£10,000 at
present. " Stones of inferior kinds are found in the beds of streams
about Kandy, Nuwara-Eliya, Badulla, and some of the small rivers in
the south ; but the more precious stones, such as the ruby, sapphire,
topaz, alexandrite, and catseye, must be sought within a radius of 30
or 40 miles from Ratnapura (the City of Gems), the capital of Saffragam,
a district of the Western Province, though occasionally rubies are found
in Uva." (See Ceylon Colonial Guide.)

2 The mode of occurrence of rubies in Cambodia and Siam is not
very well understood, but I have met with some references to the fact,
which appears to be undoubted. Thus Crawfurd says they are found
in hills at Chan-ta-bun in Lat. 1 20 on the east side of the Gulf. They
constitute a rigidly-guarded royal monopoly, but are much inferior in
quality to the Ava stones. (Embassy, 4 to., London, 1828, p. 419.)

8 The distinction made by our author between " balass " rubies, and
spinelles indicates that already in his time the name had been transferred
from its true original application to spinelles — to rubies of a particular
shade of colour, probably light, and resembling the spinelle. (See vol.
i, p. 382 /i.)

4 This was probably China rhubarb, which thus found an outlet to
Europe. Afterwards it mainly came through Russia. A very interesting
account of the rhubarb trade from the earliest times, though Cambodia
is not mentioned there, will be found in Fluckiger and Hanbur/s
Pharmacographia, Art. " Rhubarb."

chap, xix RUBIES? IN EUROPE 103

highly esteemed, because it does not spoil so quickly
as that which grows in other parts of Asia.

There are also in Europe two places from whence

coloured stones are obtained, viz. in Bohemia and

Hungary. In Bohemia there is a mine where flints

of different sizes are found, some being as large as an

egg, others the size of the fist, and on breaking them

one finds in some of them rubies1 as hard and as

beautiful as those of Pegu. I remember being one

day at Prague with the Viceroy of Hungary, in whose

service I then was, as he washed his hands with

General Wallenstein, Duke of Friedland, before

sitting at table, he saw on the General's hand a ruby

which he admired for its beauty. But he admired it

much more when Wallenstein told him that the mine

of these stones was in Bohemia ; and, in fact, at the

Viceroy's departure he presented him with about ioo

of these flints in a basket. When jve' returned to

Hungary the Viceroy had them all broken, and out of

the whole of the flints there were only two in which

rubies were found, one weighing about 5 carats and

the other about 1 carat.

As for Hungary, it has a mine from whence opals2
are obtained ; they are not found in any other place in
the world.

Turquoise is only found in Persia, and is obtained
in two mines. The one which is called " the old rock "
is three days' journey from Meshed towards the
north-west and near to a large town called Nicha-

1 These rubies, so called, were doubtless only garnets.

2 There are early references to the occurrence of opal in India, but
I have never been able to identify any local source there. Hungary
still retains pre-eminence in this respect, but very beautiful opals are
now found in Australia.

104 TRAVELS IN INDIA book ii

bourg;1 the other, which is called 'the new/ is five days'
journey from it. Those of the new are of an inferior
blue, tending to white, and are little esteemed, and one
may purchase as many of them as he likes at small cost.
But for many years the King of Persia has prohibited
mining in the "old rock" for any one but himself,
because having no gold workers in the country besides
those who work in thread, who are ignorant of the art
of enamelling on gold, and without knowledge of
design and engraving, he uses for the decoration of
swords, daggers, and other work, these turquoises of
the old rock instead of enamel, which are cut and
arranged in patterns like flowers and other figures
which the (jewellers) make. This catches the eye and
passes as a laborious work, but it is wanting in design.
As for the emerald, it is an ancient error of many
people to suppose that it was originally found in the
East2 [because before the discovery of America they

1 Nishapur in Meshed is the classic locality for the true Turquoise.
Its mode of occurrence there will be found described in a paper by Mr.
A H. Schindler published in the Records of the Geol. Survey of India,
vol. xvii, 1884, p. 132. Vambéry in his "Life," p. 290, also describes
these mines. Turquoise has been found in some other places, as for
instance in the Province of Ferghana at Mount Karumagar, 24 miles
N.E. of Khojend. It occurs there in veins in a decomposed felspar
porphyry. (Russian Central-Asia, by Henry Lansdell, D.D., p. 515.)

2 Tavernier appears to have been wholly unaware of the true source
of the emerald in early times. Although common beryl is abundant in
India the emerald does not appear to have been found there, though
highly esteemed and well known at a very remote epoch. All records,
and indeed many might be quoted since the times of the Ptolemies,
point to certain mines in Egypt, especially at Mount Zabara on the Red
Sea, as having afforded the supply. Prof. Maskelyn, Edb. Rev. 1866,
p. 244, records that when this locality was visited by Sir G. Wilkinson
he found several emeralds of pale and poor quality. The matrix was
mica schist. Among other authors who have mentioned Egypt as
supplying emeralds to India, the following are the principal : — Pliny, the
Monk Cosmas, circa a.d. 545, Masudi, and the Muhammadan travellers

■ a"*.tfî ^1 :*"

Us* M '■ ' T"

chap, xix EMERALDS 105

were unable to think otherwise'], and likewise still the
majority of jewellers and artisans, when they see an
emerald of high colour inclining to black, are accustomed
to call it an Oriental emerald, in which they are mis-
taken [since the East has never produced t/ieni].1 I
confess I have not been able to find the places in our
Continent from whence these kinds of stones are
obtained. But I am assured that the East has never
produced them, neither on the mainland nor on the
islands ; and having made a strict inquiry during all
my journeys, no one has been able to indicate any place
in Asia where they are found. It is true that since
the discovery of America some few rough stones have
often been carried by the Southern Sea from Peru to
the Philippine Islands, from whence they have been
exported in due course to Europe ; but that does
not justify these being called " Oriental, " nor support
the view that their source is situated in the East,
since both before this discovery and this passage there
was no want of emeralds for disposal throughout the
whole of Europe, and because at present, having
left this route, they are all conveyed by the North
Sea (Atlantic) to Spain.2 In the year 1660 I saw 20

of the ninth century. The emeralds of Siberia do not appear to have
been discovered before the present century.

1 The above passages in italics do not occur in the 1676 Edition
of Tavernier, but are in that of 1 7 1 3.

2 The foregoing passage is thus rendered in the Edition of 1 7 1 3 : —
" / believe that long before that part of the world which is called the
West Indies had been discovered, emeralds were carried from Asia into
Europe; but they came from mines in the Kingdom of Peru. For the
Americans, before we had knowledge of them, trafficked in the Philippine
Islands, where they carried gold and silver; but more silver than gold,
as there was more profit on the one than the other, on account of the
abundance of gold mines in the. East. To-day this trade still continues,
and the people of Peru go annually to the Philippines with two or three

106 TRAVELS IN INDIA book ii

per cent less price given in India for emeralds than
they would be sold for in France.

But concerning this navigation and commerce
between America and the Philippine Islands, it
should be remarked that the Americans having
arrived at these islands,1 the people of Bengal
Arakan, Pegu, Goa, and other places, carry thither
all sorts of cloths, and a quantity of worked stones, as
diamonds and rubies, with many manufactured articles
of gold and silver, silken stuffs and Persian carpets.
But it should be added that they are unable to sell
anything directly to these Americans, but only to those
who reside in the Manillas, and that they resell them
again when the former have left. Similarly, if any one
obtained permission to return from Goa to Spain by
the Southern Sea he would be obliged to pay 80 or 100
per cent for transmitting money as far as the Philip-
pines, without being allowed to buy anything, and to
do the same from the Philippines as far as New Spain.

[ This it is then which was done with the emeralds
before the West Indies were discovered, for they only
came to Europe by this long way and tedious journey.
All that were not fine remained in this country \ and
all those that were passed on into Europe.'] 2

vessels, whither they only carry silver and a small quantity of rough
emeralds, and indeed for some years they have ceased to carry the emeralds y
sending them all to Europe by the Northern Sea."

1 This early traffic between Peru and the Philippine Islands, by
which our author strives to explain the source of the emeralds, is some-
what mythical I should suppose. It is curious to note that the agree-
ment between the Spaniards and the Portuguese, that the former should
extend their conquests only to the west and the latter to the east of
Europe, was disturbed when vessels first crossed the Pacific from South
America to Manilla. The Spaniards probably first carried Peruvian
emeralds to the Eastern nations. 2 Interpolated in Edition of 17 13.

■ ■■ ■ ***'

CHAPTER XX

Concerning Pearls and the places where they are

fisfiedfor.

Pearls are found in the eastern and western seas,
and both for the satisfaction of the reader and for the
purpose of not omitting anything upon this matter,
although I have not been in America, I shall mention
nevertheless all the places where there are pearl-
fisheries, commencing with those in the East.

In the first place, there is a pearl-fishery round the
island of Bahren,1 in the Persian Gulf. It belongs to
the King of Persia, and there is a good fortress there,
where a garrison of 300 men is kept The water
which is drunk in this island and that used on the
coast of Persia is salt, and has an unpleasant taste,
and it is only the people of the country who can drink
it. As for strangers, it costs them not a little to
obtain good2 water, for they have to get it out at sea
from half a league distance from the island up to
nearly two leagues. Those who go in boats for it
should number five or six, one or two of whom dive
to the bottom of the sea, having suspended from their
waistbands a bottle or two, which they fill with water
and then cork them well. For at the bottom of the

1 Bahren Island, the well-known centre of the pearl-fishery in the
Persian Gulf. 2 See vol. i, p. 268.

108 TRAVELS IN INDIA book ii

sea there, for about two or three feet in depth, the
water is fresh, and the best that can be drunk. When
those who have dived to the bottom of the sea to
get this water, pull a small cord which is attached to
one of those who remain in the boat, it is the signal
to their comrades to haul them up.

While the Portuguese held Hormuz and Muscat,
each terate1 or boat which went to fish was obliged to
take out a licence from them, which cost 15 aôassts,2
and many brigantines were maintained there, to sink
those who were unwilling to take out licences. But
since the Arabs have retaken Muscat, and the Portu-
guese are no longer supreme in the Gulf, every man
who fishes pays to the King of Persia only 5 aôassts ,3
whether his fishing is successful or not. The merchant
also pays the King something small for every 1000
oysters.

The second pearl-fishery is opposite Bahren, on
the coast of Arabia-Felix, close to the town of El
Katif,4 which, with all the neighbouring country,
belongs to an Arab Prince.

The pearls fished in these places are for the most
part sold in India, because the Indians are not so
particular as we are. All pass easily, the baroques 5 as

1 Spelt tetrode in Persian Travels, p. 232, Paris Edition, 1676.
Various forms of the word, which means a galley or a small ship of war,
occur in Portuguese, Spanish, and Arabic. Colonel Yule informs me
that its etymology is uncertain.

2 Or, allowing is. 6& for the abas si, £1 : 2 : 6.

3 3s. 9d.

4 This is Catifa in the original. El Katif, on the Persian Gulf, is a
considerable Arabian town, with a district of some extent

6 The term baroques, which is sometimes written barocche, is from
the French baroque, signifying irregular or uncouth : it is applied to
irregularly-shaped pearls. They are much used for grotesque figures.

chap, xx A MATCHLESS PEARL 109

well as the round ; each has its price, all being saleable.
Some of them are taken also to Bassora. Those
which go to Persia and Russia are sold at Bandar-
Congo,1 two days' distance from Hormuz. In all the
places which I have named, and in other parts of Asia,
the water tending slightly to yellow is preferred to
the white,2 because it is said that pearls the water of
which is slightly golden retain their vivacity and never
change, but that when they are white they do not last
for thirty years without losing their vivacity, and, both
on account of the heat of the country and the per-
spiration of the body, they assume a vile yellow colour.
Before leaving the Gulf of Hormuz I shall speak a
little more fully than I have done in my account of
Persia3 of that splendid pearl which is possessed by
the Arab Prince who took Muscat from the Portu-
guese. He then assumed the name of Imenhect,
Prince of Muscat, having been previously called Asaf
Bin Ali,4 Prince of Norenu^e. This is but a petty
Province, but the best in Arabia- Felix. All that is

Castellani says they are specially esteemed in Spain and Poland.
{History of Gems y p. 172.)

1 Kongoon, on the Persian Gulf, south-west of Shiraz. Bandar-
Congo is mentioned as a port for Lar in the Persian Travels ', pp. 232-

234.

2 A statement at the end of chap, xx contradicts this.

3 The account in the Persian Travels is that the pearl belonged to
the Emir of Vodana, who showed it to M. Constant and our author at
Hormuz ; it was perfectly round and transparent, and weighed 1 7 abàs%
or 1 4 J carats, the abâs being equal to \ of a carat. On behalf of the
Governor of Surat, the latter, on a subsequent occasion, offered 60,000
rupees, say ^6750, to the owner for it, but he refused to sell it.
{Persian Travels^ Book II, chap, ix.)

4 Aseph Ben Ali in the original. I have not identified Norenua,
nor can I say whether it is to be regarded as a synonym of Vodana in
the previous note. Imenhect is possibly compounded of Imam or Ibn
and some other word.

110 TRAVELS IN INDIA book ii

necessary for the life of man grows there, and more
especially splendid fruits, and in particular excellent
grapes, from which very good wine can be made.
This is the Prince who possesses the most beautiful
pearl in the world, not by reason of its size, for it only
weighs 1 2^ carats, nor on account of its perfect round-
ness ; but because it is so clear and so transparent that
you can almost see the light through it. As the Gulf
opposite Hormuz is scarcely 12 leagues wide from
Arabia-Felix to the coast of Persia, and the Arabs
were at peace with the Persians, the Prince of Muscat
came to visit the Khân of Hormuz, who entertained
him with magnificence, and invited the English,
Dutch, and some other Franks, in which number I
was included, to the festival. At the close of the feast
the Prince took this pearl out of a small purse which
he carried suspended from his neck and showed it to
the Khân and the rest of the company. The Khân
wished to buy it, to present to the King of Persia,
and offered up to 2000 tomans? but the Prince was
unwilling to part with it. Since then I crossed the
sea with a Banian merchant whom the Great
Mogul was sending to this Prince to offer him 40,000
ecus 2 for his pearl ; but he refused to accept that
sum.

This account makes it apparent, with reference to
jewels, that fine jewels ought not always to be taken
to Europe,3 but rather from Europe to Asia, as I have

1 About /6900.

2 /*• ^9000. Its value is stated to have been ^32,000. (See
Streeter, Precious Stones and Gems, Third Edition, part iii, p. 14.)

3 I remember a case in India some few years ago illustrative of
this, which gave rise to a trial. One or two persons residing at Simla
bought some stones as a speculation and sent them to England, where

chap, xx PEARL-FISHERIES 111

done, because both precious stones and pearls are
esteemed there very highly when they have unusual
beauty; but China and Japan must be excepted, where
they are not valued.1

The other locality in the East where there is a
pearl-fishery is in the sea near a large town called
Manar, in the island of Ceylon.2 The pearls found
there are the most beautiful, both as regards water and
roundness, of all the fisheries ; but one is rarely found
there which exceeds 3 or 4 carats in weight.

There are, moreover, on the coast of Japan pearls
of very beautiful water and good size, but they are
very imperfect ; nevertheless they are not fished for,
because, as I have said, the Japanese do not esteem
jewels.

Although the pearls which are found at Bahren
and at El Katif tend somewhat to yellow, they are
esteemed as highly as those of Manar, as I have

they were valued at a lower price than had been given for them.
The purchasers thereupon sought by an action to recover their money
from the native jewel merchant, but lost their suit.

1 The Chinese prefer to invest their money in porcelain, lacquer, and
other works of art, and ridicule the craze for precious stones.

2 I am indebted to Mr. S. Haughton of the Ceylon Civil Service for
a copy of The Overland Ceylon Observer for nth April 1888, which
contains details of the results of the Ceylon pearl-fisheries from the year
1796 to 1888. In the first period, namely from 1796 to 1837, the
total receipts amounted to ^946,803 : 8 : 3 J, and the expenditure to
^51,752 : 6 : 8^-. An estimate by Captain Stewart, however, makes the
total net revenue for the same period only ,£524,521 : 14 : z\. In the
second period, from 1838 to 1888, the total revenue was ^437,1 10 : 4s.,
and the expenditure ^105,656 : 1 19^, or a net average annual profit,
inclusive of many years when there was no fishing, of upwards of ^6600.
The average number of oysters annually fished for the same period
amounted to about 3,575,630. In the year 1880, according to the
Colonial Exhibition Handbook of Ceylon% 25,000,000 oysters sold for
only ,£20,000, whereas in 1881 18,000,000 sold for ^59,000.

112 TRAVELS IN INDIA book ii

remarked, and throughout the East it is said that
they are mature or ripe, and that they never change
colour.

I come now to the fisheries of the West, which are
all situated on the great Gulf of Mexico, along the
coast of New Spain, and there are five of them which
succeed one another from east to west.

The first is near the island of Cubagua,1 which is
only 3 leagues in circuit, and is distant about 5
from the mainland. It is in io° 30' of N. Lat., and
160 leagues from S. Dominique2 in the Isle of Spain.
It is a very infertile land, wanting in all things, and
especially water, which the inhabitants are obliged to
obtain from the mainland. This island is renowned
throughout the west, because it is where the most con-
siderable pearl-fishery is situated, although the largest
pearls do not exceed 5 carats. The second fishery
is in the island of Marguerite, that is to say, the island
of pearls, at 1 league from Cubagua, which it sur-
passes much in size. It produces all that is necessary
to life except that, like Cubagua, it lacks water, which
has to be sent for to the river Cumana, near New
Cadiz.8 This fishery is not the most abundant of all
the five in America ; but it is considered the principal,
because the pearls which are found there surpass the
others in perfection, both as regards water and size.
One of the latter which I possessed, of well -formed
pear shape, and of fine water, weighed 55 carats, and

1 Cubagua is one of the Antilles group. It lies between the isle
of Marguerite and the coast of Cumana, and belongs to Venezuela. It
was formerly a centre of the pearl-fisheries.

2 San Dominique, also one of the Antilles.

3 The positions of Marguerite and Cumana are indicated in the pre-
vious note.

chap, xx PEARL-FISHERIES IN THE WEST INDIES 113

I sold it to ShAistà Khàn, uncle of the Great
Mogul.1

Many are astonished to learn that pearls are taken
from Europe to the East, from whence they come in
abundance, but it should be remarked that in the
Oriental fisheries they are not found of as great weights
as in those of the West, added to which all the kings
and great nobles of Asia pay much better than do
people in Europe, not only for pearls, but for all kinds
of jewels — when they are out of the common run —
excepting only the diamond.

The third fishery is at Comogote,2 near the main-
land.

The fourth is at Rio de la Hacha,8 along the same
coast.

The fifth, and last, is at Sainte Marthe, 60 leagues
from Rio de la Hacha.

All these three fisheries produce pearls of good
weight ; but generally they are ill-formed and are of a
leaden-coloured water.

Finally, as for the pearls of Scotland, and those
which are found in the rivers of Bavaria,4 although
necklaces are made of them which are worth up to
iooo ecus5 and beyond, they cannot enter into com-
parison with those of the East and West Indies.

It is possible that of those who have written before
me concerning pearls none have recorded that some

1 See Book I, chap, viii, for details of the sale, and the quarrel it
gave rise to. See also p. 130.

2 Comogote not identified.

3 Rio de la Hacha is in Columbia, being the name of a Province
and its chief town.

4 Obtained from the Umos and A no dons, fresh-water mussels.

5 £225.

VOL. II I

114 TRAVELS IN INDIA book ii

years back a fishery was discovered in a certain part of
the coasts of Japan, and I have seen some of the pearls
which the Dutch brought from thence. They were
of very beautiful water, and some of them of large
size, but all baroques. The Japanese, as I have above
said, do not esteem pearls. If they cared about them
it is possible that by their means some banks might be
discovered where finer ones would be obtained.

Before concluding this chapter I shall make a very
important remark in reference to pearls and the differ-
ences in their waters, some being very white, others
tending to yellow, and others to black, and some which
are, so to speak, lead-coloured. As for the last, they
are only found in America, and this colour is caused
by the nature of the bottom, which is muddier than in
the East. In a return cargo which the late M. du
Jardin,1 the well-known jeweller, had in the Spanish
gallions, there were included six perfectly round pearls,
but black as jet, which weighed altogether 12 carats.
He gave them to me with some other things to
take to the East, to see if they could be disposed
of, but I brought them back again, as I found no one
who would look at them.2 As for the pearls tending
to yellow, the colour is due to the fact that the fisher-
men sell the oysters in heaps, and the merchants
awaiting sometimes up to fourteen or fifteen days
till the shells open of themselves, in order to extract
the pearls, some of these oysters lose their water dur-
ing this time, decay, and become putrid, and the pearls
become yellow by contact. This is so true that in all

1 See p. 159.

2 Black pearls do not suit dark complexions so well as the lighter
kinds.

chap, xx PREFERENCE FOR WHITENESS BY ORIENTALS 115

oysters which have retained their water the pearls
are always white. They are allowed to open of them-
selves, because if they are opened by force, as we open
our oysters in the shell, the pearl may be damaged
and broken. The oysters of the Manar Strait open of
themselves, spontaneously, five or six days sooner than
those of the Gulf of Persia, because the heat is much
greater at Manar, which is at the ioth degree of North
Latitude,1 while the island of Bahren is at about the
27th. And consequently among the pearls which come
from Manar there are few yellow ones found. Finally,
all the Orientals are very much of our taste in matters
of whiteness, and I have always remarked that they
prefer the whitest pearls,2 the whitest diamonds, the
whitest bread, and the whitest women.

1 The true Latitude of Manar, a gulf or arm of the sea between
Ceylon and Southern India, is about 8° to 90 N. Lat., and of Bahren
about 2 70 as stated.

2 On p. 109 it was stated that slightly yellow pearls have the
preference.

CHAPTER XXI

Concerning the manner in which Pearls originate in
Oysters, how they are fished for and ai what
Seasons.

I am aware that according to the testimony of some
ancient authors, who were not well instructed in these
matters, it was commonly believed that the pearl origi-
nates from the dew of heaven, and that but one is
found in each oyster ; but experience proves the con-
trary. For, as regards the first, the oyster does not stir
from the bottom of the sea, where the dew cannot pene-
trate, and sometimes it is necessary to dive for them to
a depth of 1 2 cubits, as we shall see presently ; and as
for the other, it is common to find up to six or seven
pearls in a single oyster, and I have seen one in which
there were up to ten in process of formation. It is
true that they are not all of the same size, because
they are produced in the oyster in the same manner as
eggs are in the interior of a fowl : as the largest egg
advances towards the orifice and goes out first, while
the small eggs remain inside to complete their forma-
tion ; so the largest pearl advances first, and the other,
smaller ones, not having arrived at their full perfec-
tion, remain under the oyster at the bottom of the
shell until they have attained the size which nature

,.i.. ■juixjeg^g^^^'^r

chap, xxi SEASONS FOR PEARL-FISHING 117

gives them.1 But it cannot be said that there are
pearls in all oysters, and one may open many in which
none are found.

Moreover, it should not be supposed that a great
profit is earned by those who fish for pearls ; for if the
poor people who engage in it had anything else to do
they would leave the fishing, which merely saves them
from dying of hunger.2 I have remarked in my
account of Persia, that from Bassora up to Cape
Jasque,8 on both coasts of the Gulf of Persia, the land
produces nothing. The people there are so poor, and
live in so miserable a manner, that they never have
any bread or rice, and have only dates and salt fish
for their food, and you must travel nearly 20 leagues
inland before finding grass.

This fishing in the Eastern seas takes place twice
in the year, the first being in March and April, and
the second in August and September, and the sale
lasts from the month of June till November, but this
fishing does not take place every year. For those
who fish like to know beforehand whether it will pay.
In order not to be deceived they send to the fisheries
seven or eight boats, each of which brings back about
1000 oysters, which are opened, and if there is not

1 This physiological explanation will hardly receive acceptance at
the present time. (Comp. Pliny > Book IX, chap. 57.)

2 Diamond and gold washing have always, likewise, been the most
miserably requited trades in India.

3 Cape Jask, or the Rds Jdshak of the Arabs, is " a point on the
eastern side of the Gulf of Oman near the entrance to the Persian
Gulf, and 6 miles south of a port of the same name. The latter was
frequented by the vessels of the English Company whilst the Portuguese
held Hormuz. After the Portuguese were driven out of Hormuz (1622)
the English trade was moved to Gombroon." (Yule-Bumell, Anglo-
Indian Glossary y p. 345.)

*1^^^*~^^mmmm^^t^^^*m^^^m^^*^—m*m*mÊ ■■■■■■ ■ ■■

118 TRAVELS IN INDIA book 11

found in every thousand oysters the value of 5 fanos
of pearls — that is to say a half ecu of our money,1 — it
is accepted as a proof that the fishing will not be good,
and that these poor people would not recover the out-
lay which they would have to incur. For both on
account of their outfit and for their food during the
time of the fishing they borrow money at the rate of
from 3 to 4 per cent per month. Accordingly, if, at
the least, 1000 oysters do not yield 5 fanos worth
of pearls, they do not fish during that year. The
merchants buy the oysters on chance, and content
themselves with what they find inside. It is a great
piece of good fortune when large pearls are found,
but it rarely occurs, especially at the Manar fishery,
which produces no large ones, as I have said, the
majority being only pearls to be sold by the ounce
and ground into powder.2 Only a few among them
weigh half a grain or a grain, and it is a great event
when any of 2 or 3 carats are found. In some years
the 1000 oysters contain up to 7 fanos worth, and the
whole fishing yields 100, 000 piastres and over.8 While
the Portuguese were masters of Manar they levied
toll from every boat, and the Dutch, who have taken
possession of it from them, now levy 8 piastres from
each diver, and sometimes up to 9 ; this yields them
a revenue in the best years amounting to 1 7, 200 reals.
The reason why the Portuguese took this revenue from
these poor people, and why the Dutch take it still,
being that they are obliged to protect them against

1 Or 2s. 3d. The ecu being worth 2 rupees, or 4s. 6cL, therefore
these fanos were worth 5.4CL each.

2 The term aljofar was applied by the Portuguese to seed pearls,
said to be from aVjauhary Arab., a jewel. (See Anglo-Indian Glossary.)

3 With the piastre at 4s. 6d. this would be equal to ^22,500.

m ^ ■ ^—*mmm^m+mm^**v+

chap, xxi PEARL-FISHERIES 119

their enemies, the Malabaris, who come with armed
boats to capture these fishers in order to make slaves
of them.

Whilst the fishing lasts the Dutch always keep, at
sea, two or three armed boats on the quarter whence
the Malabaris come, these precautions being taken so
that the work may proceed in safety. The fishermen
are for the most part idolaters, but there are also
Muhammadans who have separate boats. They never
mingle with one another, and the Dutch levy more
from the latter than from the others. For the Mu-
hammadans, besides having to pay as much as the
idolaters, have also to give one day's take, the
particular day being left to the choice of the Dutch.

The heavier the rainfall in the year, the better is
the pearl-fishery. But since many think that at the
greatest depths at which the oyster is found, the pearl
is whitest, because the water is not so hot there,
and the sun has more difficulty in penetrating to the
bottom, it is necessary to correct this error. The
fishing is carried on in from 4 to 1 2 cubits depth on
the banks, where there are sometimes up to 250 boats.
In the majority (of the boats) there is but one diver,
and in the largest only two. These boats sail from
the coast every day before sunrise, with a land wind
which never fails and lasts till 10 a.m. In the after-
noon they return with a wind from the sea, which
succeeds the land-wind, and does not fail to blow at
11 or 12 o'clock, as soon as the other has ceased.
The banks are at 5 or 6 leagues out to sea, and when
the boats have arrived there the oysters are fished for
in the following manner : —

A cord is tied under the arms of those who dive,

■ n t— ^— — WTTTrTTniffW^ M^_^^—

120 TRAVELS IN INDIA book ii

which those who remain in the boats hold by the end.
Attached to the diver's great toe is a stone of 1 8 to
20 pounds weight, which those who remain in the
boat also hold by a rope. They have also a net made
like a sack, the mouth of which is surrounded by a
hoop to keep it open, and this net is attached like the
rest. Then the diver plunges into the sea, and as
soon as he reaches the bottom, which he does quickly,
on account of the weight of the stone attached to his
great toe, he removes the stone, and those who are
in the barque draw it up. For as long as the diver
is able to hold his breath he puts oysters into the net,
and as soon as he feels that he is unable to hold out
longer, he pulls the cord which is tied under his arms ;
this is the signal for him to be drawn up, which those
who are in the boat do as quickly as they can. The
people of Manar are better fishers, and remain for
a longer time under the water than those of Bahren
and El'Katif, for they do not place any clips on their
noses nor cotton in their ears to keep the water from
entering, as is done in the Persian Gulf.

After the diver has been drawn into the boat the
nets containing the oysters are hauled up, and it requires
about seven or eight minutes to lift the oysters and to
give the diver time to regain breath, after which he
returns to the bottom as before ; this he does many
times during ten or twelve hours, and then returns to
land. Those who are in want of money sell what they
have taken, at once, but those who have what they
require to live on, keep the oysters until the whole fish-
ing is finished. The oysters are left unopened, and as
they decay open of themselves. There are some of
these shells which are four times as large as those of

chap, xxi THE JEWEL TRADE IN GOA 121

our Rouen oysters, but as the flesh of this kind of
oyster, of which we speak, is poor and of bad flavour,
it is not eaten but is thrown away.

To conclude the discourse on pearls, it should be
remarked that throughout Europe they are sold by
carat weight, which is equal to 4 grains, the same as
the diamond weight, but in Asia the weight is different.
In Persia the pearls are weighed by the abâs, and an
abâs is an eighth less than our carat. In India, and
in all the territories of the Great Mogul and the
Kings of Golconda and Bijapur, they are weighed by
ratis, and the rati is also an eighth less than the carat.1

Goa was formerly the place where there was the
largest trade in all Asia in diamonds, rubies, sapphires,
topazes, and other stones. All the miners and mer-
chants went there to sell the best which they had
obtained at the mines, because they had there full
liberty to sell, whereas, in their own country, if they
showed anything to the Kings or Princes, they were
compelled to sell at whatever price they pleased to fix.
There was also at Goa a large trade in pearls, both of
those which came from the island of Bahren in the
Persian Gulf, and those fished for in the straits of
Manar on the coast of the island of Ceylon, as also
of those which were brought from America. It should
be known then, that in Goa and in all the other places
which the Portuguese hold in India, they have a par-
ticular weight for pearls which is not used in the other
places where there is a trade in pearls, neither in

1 Kelly in the Universal Cambist, i, p. 278, gives the value of the
Persian abâs as 3.66 diamond grains = 2.25 (2.9 ?) troy grains. But it
has been shown that the pearl rati of our author was equal to 2.77 troy
grains. (See voL i, Appendix, p. 41 7, and Preface, vol. ii, for correction.)

m**

122 TRAVELS IN INDIA book ii

Europe, Asia, nor America I do not include Africa,

because this trade is unknown there, and because in

that part of the world the women content themselves,

/ in lieu of jewels, with pieces of crystal, beads of false

i

i

i coral or yellow amber, of which they make necklaces

and bracelets to wear on their arms and legs.

The Portuguese, then, in all the places in India
where they are in authority, sell pearls by a weight
which they call cfiegos, but buy them of the merchants,
according to the places from whence they bring them,

i

( by carats, abas, or ratis. The table which follows

shows the ratio between these chegos and carats.

I

5

11

84

21

306

3i

667Î

2

8

12

100

22

336

32

711

3

ni

13

117

23

367i

33

75H

4

16

14

136

24

400

34

80 2f

5

21

IS

156

25

430

35

85°£

6

27

16

177*

26

469J

36

900

7

34

17

2oo£

27

5o6*

37

95o*

8

44

18

225

28

544i

38

1002J

9

56

19

250*

29

584

39

1056

IO

69

20

*77f

30

625

40

mil1

I

I

j Carats. Chegos. Carats. Chegos. Carats. Chegos. Carats. Chegos.

l

1

I

i

1

1

1

1

1

i

i
I

I

»

I l With such an extraordinary table of equivalents one may easily

understand the difficulty that is experienced in reconciling statements
about weights and measures. If 1 carat equals 5 chegos ', it might be

, supposed that 20 carats would equal 100 chegos ', and 40 carats 200 ;

j but it will be seen that the equivalents above given are 277^ and 1 1 1 1^

\ respectively. (See Preface for explanation.)

The relationship between the real weight called the mangelin in
Madras, and the nominal weight called chow, though it does not eluci.
date this table, throws some light on the subject Rule — Square the
number of mangelins, and divide three-fourths of this product by the
number of pearls. The quotient is the number of chows. Example —
To find value of 2 1 pearls weighing 1 6 mangelins at 1 2 pagodas per
chow, 16x16x^=192, 192-7-21=9 chows g\ parts, which at 96s.
per chow = £42 : 17 : 8^. (See Kelly, Universal Cambist, p. 92.)

CHAPTER XXII

Remarks upon t)ie largest and most beautiful Diamonds
and Rubies which the Author has seen in Europe
and Asia, tJie figures of which are here given,
togetJier with those of large Stones which he sold to
the King on his return from his last Journey to
India, with a representation of a magnificent Topaz,
and the largest Pearls in the World.

I shall follow the order of the figures as they are
arranged by their numbers, and I shall commence
with the heaviest diamond of which I have any know-
ledge : —

No. i. This diamond1 belongs to the Great
Mogul, who did me the honour to have it shown to me
with all his other jewels. You see represented here
its form after having been cut, and, as I was allowed
to weigh it, I ascertained that it weighed 319^ ratis,
which are equal to 279^ of our carats. When in the
rough it weighed, as I have elsewhere said, 907 ratis,
or 79 3f carats. This stone is of the same form as
if one cut an egg through the middle.2

1 For full discussion of all the facts connected with the Great
Mogul's diamond, see Appendix I, and Index.

2 This operation may be performed in either of two ways ; from the
figure given by Tavernier he evidently means transversely. The
Koh-i-nur as it was when brought to England might be described as of

124 TRAVELS IN INDIA book ii

No. 2 represents the form of the Grand Duke of
Tuscany's diamond, which he has had the goodness
to show me upon more than one occasion. It weighs
1 39^ carats, but it is unfortunate that its water tends
towards the colour of citron.1

No. 3 is of a stone2 weighing 1 76^ mangelitts, which
amount to 242^ of our carats. The mangelin, as I
have said, is the weight used in the Kingdoms of Gol-
conda and Bijapur, and it amounts to if of our carats.
When at Golconda in the year 1642, I was shown
this stone, and it is the largest diamond I have seen
in India in the possession of merchants. The owner
allowed me to make a model of it in lead, which I
sent to Surat to two of my friends, telling them of
its beauty and the price, namely 500,000 rupees, which
amount to 750,000 livres of our money.3 I received
an order from them, that, if it was clean and of fine
water, to offer 400,000 rupees, but it was impossible
to purchase it at that price. Nevertheless, I believe

the shape of half an tggt cut longitudinally, but this difference of form,
as I shall explain, was the result of the mutilation to which it was sub-
jected. (See Appendix I.)

1 For identification of this stone with the Austrian yellow, now the
property of the Emperor of Austria, and known as the Florentine,
see Index. Its weight, as recently determined by Schrauf, is 133^
Vienna carats, or 27.454 gramms. His figure of it corresponds with
that given by our Author. The figures of the Austrian yellow by
Murray, and following him by Emanuel, represent a distinct stone.

2 It is not known whether this stone still exists in the form it had
when seen by Tavernier. Mr. Streeter (Great Diamonds) devotes a
chapter to it under the title " The Great Table." I do not know the
source from whence the story which he gives as to its discovery by a
Bheel Chief is derived. What has become of it is not known ; it has
most probably been broken up.

3 ^56,250.

n.j.

n.3..

->

chap, xxii LARGE DIAMONDS 125

that it could have been obtained if they would have
advanced their offer to 450,000 rupees.

No. 4 represents a diamond which I bought at
Ahmadàbàd for one of my friends. It weighed 178
ratts, or 157^ of our carats.1

No. 5 represents the shape of the above mentioned
diamond after it had been cut on both sides. Its
weight was then 94^ carats, the water being perfect.
The flat side, where there were two flaws at the base,
was as thin as a sheet of thick paper. When having
the stone cut I had all this thin portion removed,
together with a part of the point above, where a small
speck of flaw still remains.2

No. 6 represents another diamond which I bought
in the year 1653 at the Kollur mine. It is beautiful
and pure, cut at the mine. It is a thick stone, and
weighs 36 mangelins, which are equal to 63! of our
carats.3

Nos. 7 and 8. The two pieces represented are
from a cleaved stone, which, when whole, weighed
75$ mangelins, or 104 carats.4 Although of good
water, there appeared so much impurity inside it, that,

1 The equivalent should be 155} carats.

2 Mr. Streeter (Great Diamonds) heads a chapter with this, the
" Ahmadàbàd Diamond," but so far as the stone is concerned, all that
can be said is, that nothing is certainly known of its subsequent history.
It may have been disposed of in Persia.

3 The equivalent of 36 Kollur or Golconda mangelins in carats at if,
is 49 J carats, and in Ramulkota mangelins at 1 J (see p. 89) = 63 carats.
Nothing further is known of this stone.

4 Strictly io3£f carats, in round numbers therefore 104, the
mangelins being those of Golconda at if carats in this case.

126 TRAVELS IN INDIA book ii

as it was large and high-priced there was no one
among the Banians who dared to purchase it. At
length a Dutchman named Bazu ventured to do so,
and, having had it cleaved, he found inside it about
8 carats weight of impurity like decomposed vegetable
matter.1 The small piece was clean, save for a nearly
imperceptible flaw; but as for the other, where the
flaws traversed right through, it had to be divided into
seven or eight pieces. The Dutchman risked much
in cleaving this stone, and it was a great piece of good
luck for him that it did not break into a hundred
fragments. Still, for all that, it did not repay him ;
this makes it sufficiently plain that where the Banians
refuse to bite there is nothing to be hoped for by the
Franks.

Figures of twenty Diamonds which the Author sold to
the King on his return from his last Voyage to
India. The figures before the Reader show the
weight, the extent, and thickness of each Stone?

These are the figures of the most beautiful rubies
in the world, and of the topaz of the Great Mogul, in
the order in which they are arranged here by numbers.

1 This case has been quoted in connection with investigations into
the nature and origin of the diamond. Mr. Streeter devotes a chapter
to this diamond. (See Great Diamonds, chap, xxx, p. 218.)

2 The violet-blue diamond A, and the two rose-coloured diamonds
B and C, which are here figured, are referred to in " A Note about some
unusual Diamonds," published in the Phil. Trans, for 27th April 1674,
No. 102, p. 26, as being in a representation of a considerable number
of diamonds, which were sold by Tavernier to the King of France.
Hence it would seem that this plate reached the Royal Society in
London before the publication of the travels in 1676. The adamantine
hardness of the stones, in spite of their unusual colours, caused them to
be admitted to be diamonds. The history of the blue diamond is well

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chap, xui LARGE RUBIES 127

No. i. Figure of a ruby which belongs to the King
of Persia. It is of the thickness and shape of an egg,
is bored through and of very high colour, beautiful
and clean, with the exception of a small flaw at the
side. The custodians are unwilling to say what it cost,
as is also the case with the pearl belonging to the
same King, which is represented further on ; they are
likewise unwilling that any one should know what
either of them weighs. Those who keep the registers
of the King of Persia's jewels merely say that this
ruby has been in the possession of the King for many
years.

No. 2 represents a large stone believed to be a
ruby, and sold as such to Zafar Khan, the Great
Mogul's uncle, who bought it for the sum of 95,000
rupees, which amount to 1,425,000 livres} He
presented it to the Great Mogul, with many other
precious things, on the Kings festival, that is to
say, the day whereon he is weighed, as I have else-
where said. This stone having been priced at a little
less than it cost, there happened to be present at that
time an old Indian who had previously been chief
jeweller to the King, but had been dismissed from his
charge through jealousy. Having taken this stone in

told in Mr. Streeter's work on The Great Diamonds, The blue diamond
which belonged to Mr. Hope, weighing 44 J carats, is believed to be
a fragment of this stone, which was stolen from the Garde Meuble in

1792.

1 There is here a mistake on one side or the other ; a cipher should
either be added to the rupees or subtracted from the livres. See vol. i,
p. 389, where the total value of a present made by Zafar Khan is put at
1,050,000, hence perhaps it may be concluded that the figure here
should be 142,500 livres, but it is not certain that the occasions referred
to were identical.

128 TRAVELS IN INDIA book ii

his hands, he maintained that it was not a balass1 ruby,
that Zafar Khàn had been cheated, and that the
stone was not worth more than 500 rupees. The
King having been informed of the discussion, sum-
moned the old Indian, with all the other jewellers, who
maintained on their side that the stone was a balass
ruby. As in the whole Empire of the Great Mogul
there was no one more proficient in the knowledge of
stones than Shah Jahàn, who was kept as a prisoner
at Agra by Aurangzeb, his son, the latter sent the
stone to the King, his father, asking for his opinion.
After full consideration he confirmed the verdict of the
old jeweller, and said that it was not a balass ruby,
and that its value did not exceed 500 rupees. The
stone having been returned to Aurangzeb, he com-
pelled the merchant who had sold it to take it back
and return the money he had received.

Nos. 3 and 4 are figures of a ruby which belongs
to the King of Bijapur. No. 4 shows the height of
the stone above the ring, and No. 3 the circuit of the
chaton? It weighs 14 mangelins, which equal 17^ of
our carats, the mangelin at Bijapur being 5 grains.8
It is hollowed from beneath {i.e. cut en cabuchon),
clean, and of the first quality. The King of Bijapur
bought it in the year 1653 for the sum of 14,200
new pagodas, the pagoda being then worth 3^
rupees, this, in our money, would be equal to 74,550
livres ?

1 Ballet in the original, for balass. (See vol. i, p. 382 n.)

2 The chaton is the bezel of a ring which holds a jewel in position.

3 On p. 124 the Bijapur mangeltn is said to be equal to if carats
{i.e. 5i diamond grains), and 1 4 mange I ins should therefore be equal to
19J carats. * £sS9i ' 5s.

RUBIES AND TOFAZ.

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chap, xxii LARGE RUBIES 129

No. 5 is the figure of a ruby which a Banian
merchant showed me at Benares on the occasion of
my last visit to India. It weighs 58 ratis, or 5of 1
carats, and is of the second quality. Its form is of
an almond cabuchon somewhat hollowed beneath, and
bored near the point. I was willing to give 40,000
rupees for it, which make 60,000 livres? but the mer-
chant to whom it belonged asked 55,000 rupees. I
believe I could have got it for 50,000 rupees.1

3

No. 6 is the figure of the large topaz of the Great
Mogul. I did not see him wear any other jewel
during the time I remained at his Court on my last
visit to India. This topaz weighs 181^ ratis, or
157^ carats.4 It was bought at Goa for the Great
Mogul, for the sum of 181,000 rupees, or 271,500
livres of our money.5

No. 7. These grand monarchs of Asia are not
the only ones in the world who are in possession of
beautiful stones. I have not seen as large rubies in
any of the thrones of the Great Mogul as are those
represented in the plate Nos. 7, 8, and 9, which
belong to our great King, the most powerful and
magnificent, in all respects, among the Monarchs of
the earth !

1 At the rate of one rati = fth of a carat.

4 i8i£ raits = 1 58^ carats nearly. In vol. i, p. 400, it was said to
weigh 6 melscals = 1 Fr. once. It was probably the stone referred to
in vol i, p. 372. Bernier, already quoted, alludes to it as "a beautiful
oriental topaz of matchless size and splendour, shining like a little
sun." (Travels in the Mogul Empire, p. 179, Calcutta, 1826.)

6 ^20,412 : 1 os.

VOL. II K

t

130 TRAVELS IN INDIA book ii

Here again are figures of the largest pearls of
which we have knowledge, in the order of their
numbers.

No. i is the figure of a pearl which the King of
Persia bought in the year 1633 from an Arab who
had just received it from the fisheries at El Katif.
It cost him 32,000 tomans, or 1,400,000 livres of our
money, at the rate of 46 livres and 6 deniers per
toman} It is the largest and most perfect pearl ever
discovered, and it has not the least defect.

No. 2 is the figure of the largest pearl which I saw
at the Court of the Great Mogul. It is suspended
from the neck of a peacock made of precious stones,
and rests on the breast, and this peacock surmounts
the throne.

No. 3 is the figure of a pearl which I sold, on my
last journey, to Shàistà Khàn,2 uncle of the Great
Mogul and Governor of Bengal. It weighs 55 carats,
but the water is somewhat dead ; it is the largest pearl
which has ever been taken from Europe to Asia.

1 32,000 x 46/. 6d. = 1,472,800 livres = ^110,460, and 32,000
tomans at £z : 9s. = £1 10,400. Ainslie, referring to this in his chapter
on pearls as a drug, erroneously states that Tavernier himself paid the
enormous sum of ;£ 110,000 for this pearl. {Materia Medica, vol. i, p.
294.) A value of ,£64,000 for this pearl is mentioned by Streeter
{Precious Stones and Gems, 3d Edition, part iii, p. 14), but that sum
appears to have been derived from an under-estimate of the equivalent
values of the livre and toman, as known to Tavernier.

2 See for the incidents connected with the sale of this pearl Book I,
chap. viii. It was the cause of serious disagreement between Tavernier
and Shâistâ Khân. On p. 112 Tavernier states that it came from the
American pearl fishery.

Plate V.

PEARLS.

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chap, xxii LARGE PEARLS 131

No. 4 is the figure of a large pearl perfect both as
regards its water and its form which is like that of an
olive. It is in the middle of a chain of emeralds and
rubies that the Great Mogul sometimes wears round
his neck, and it hangs down to his waist.

No. 5. As a round pearl of perfect form, this
is the largest I know of, and it belongs to the Great
Mogul. Its equal has never been found, for which
reason the Great Mogul has not worn it, but has
left it with other jewels which are unmounted. For
if a match for it had been found, the pair might
have been used as ear pendants, and each of the two
pearls would have been placed between two rubies
or two emeralds, in conformity with the custom of
the country, there being no one, whether small or
great, who, in proportion to his means, does not carry
in each ear a pearl set between two coloured stones.

CHAPTER XXIII

Concerning Coral and Yellow Amber and the places

where they are found.

Although coral does not rank among precious stones
in Europe, it is nevertheless held in high esteem in
the other quarters of the globe, and it is one of the
most beautiful of nature s productions, so that there are
some nations who prefer it to precious stones. I shall
set down here, in a few words what I have been able
to ascertain about the places where it is fished for, and
of the manner in which it is obtained.

I shall say in the first place that there are three
fisheries on the coast of Sardinia. That obtained at
Arguerrel1 is the best and the most beautiful of all,
the second locality is called Boza,2 and the third is
close to the island of St. Pierre.8 There is another
fishery on the coasts of the island of Corse,4 and the
coral found there is slender but beautiful in colour. It
is found at two other places on the coast of Africa —
one near the Bastion de France,6 and the other at

1 Arguerrel not identified.

2 Bosa, on the west coast of Sardinia, about 5 miles from Cagliari.
8 St. Pierre is probably some small islet not on ordinary maps.

4 Corsica.

5 The Bastion de France was one of the forts belonging to France on
the coast of Algiers before the nineteenth century. It was near La
Callé, which in 1594 belonged to France, and was the centre of a coral
fishery. It is now destroyed.

chap, xxiii RED CORAL 133

Tabarque1 ; the coral from this locality is fairly thick
and long, but the colours are pale. There is a seventh
fishery on the coast of Sicily, near Trapano2 ; the
coral there is slender, but of good colour. There is
still another locality on the coast of Catalogne,
towards Cape de Quiers8; the coral there is of
excellent colour and thick, but the branches are very
short. There is, moreover, a ninth fishery in the
island of Majorque,4 of the same nature as that of the
island of Corse ; and these are all the places in the
Mediterranean where there are coral fisheries,6 for
there are none in the Ocean.6 The following is the
method of fishing for it.

As coral grows under hollowed rocks where the sea
is deep, the following device is used in order to obtain
it. The fishers bind two rafters together in the form of
a cross, and place a large lump of lead in the centre to
make them sink to the bottom. They then bind tufts of
hemp about the rafters, and twist them irregularly to
the size of the thumb, and attach the wood by two

1 Tabarka, a rocky islet on north coast of Tunis, near La Callé.

2 Trepani, the Drepanum of the ancients, 1 8 miles north of Marsala.

3 Catalonia, in Spain. Cape de Quiers has not been identified.

4 Majorca. The fact of there being so much variation in the
characters of the coral from these different localities should be of some
interest to naturalists.

5 "The most important fisheries extend along the coasts of Tunis,
Algeria, and Morocco, but red coral is also obtained in the vicinity of
Naples, near Leghorn and Genoa, and on the coasts of Sardinia,
Corsica, Catalonia, and Provence. It is said that it attains greater per-
fection in the East than in the South, and that it is rarely found in a
western, and never in a northern aspect." {Encyclopadia Britannica,
Art. "Coral.")

6 This is now known to be not correct, since " red or precious coral
occurs at San Jago and also at St. Vincent. ... It occurs in about ioo
or 1 20 fathoms, and is dragged for with swabs as in the Mediterranean."
(Prof. Moseley, Notes of a Naturalist on the Challenger ', p. 65.)

134 TRAVELS IN INDIA book ii

ropes, one of which hangs from the bow and the others
from the stern of the boat. They then allow the wood
to drift with the current across the rocks, and the
hemp becoming entangled about the coral, it sometimes
requires five or six boats to hoist the rafters ; and when
exerting the great strain necessary, if one of the cables
breaks all the rowers are in danger of perishing ; it is
a very dangerous trade. When dragging up the coral
thus, by force, for as much as is drawn out an equal
quantity falls back into the sea, and the bottom being
generally very muddy, the coral is injured from day to
day, as our fruits on the earth are, by worms, so that
the sooner it is extracted from the mud the less is it
deteriorated. In reference to this I may say that I have
seen, at Marseilles, something wonderful in a shop
where coral was worked. There was a piece as big as
the thumb, and as it was somewhat glassy it was cut in
two, and a worm was found inside, which I saw wriggle,
it had been kept alive for some months by shutting it
up in its hole. For it should be remarked that among
some branches of coral there grows a sort of sponge
similar to our honeycombs, where small worms ensconce
themselves like bees — in such ways does nature delight
to diversify her works. Some persons believe that coral
is soft in the sea, but, as a matter of fact, it is hard. 1 1
is, however, true that in certain months of the year
one can express from the ends of the branches a kind
of milk as from the breast of a woman.1 This may be
the seed which, falling upon whatsoever it meets with
in the sea, produces another branch of coral, — thus, for
instance, it has been found on a human skull, upon the
blade of a sword, and upon a grenade which had fallen

1 This refers to the ova of the coral polypes.

chap, xxiii RED CORAL 135

into the sea, where it was interlaced in the branches of
coral to the height of six inches ; and I have had the
grenade in my hands.

The coral fishery lasts from the commencement of
April to the end of July, and generally 200 boats are
engaged in it, some years more and some less. They
are built beside the Genoa river, and are very light
They carry much sail in order to sail fast, there being
no other part of the Mediterranean where boats carry
so much, and there are no galleys able to outstrip
them. There are seven men to each boat, with a boy
to attend on them. The fishing is carried on at from
25 to 40 miles from the land, where it is believed there
are rocks, the boats not advancing farther to sea for
fear of pirates, from whom they escape, when* they
meet them, by swift sailing.

I have to make a remark here about coral in refer-
ence to certain nations of the East. The Japanese, as
I have said, neither esteem pearls nor precious stones,
but they value beautiful beads of coral, which serves
to close their bags ; these bags are made, as they were
formerly, in France. It is for this purpose that they
use the largest beads of coral, to run on a silken cord
which closes the bag, so that in order that they may
be able to possess one of the size of an egg, beautiful
and clean, without any spot upon it, they will pay
whatever you ask. The Portuguese, who formerly did
a large trade in Japan, have often assured me that
they could obtain for one as much as 20,000 ecus.1
It is much to be wondered that the Japanese give so
much money for a fine piece of coral, since they have
a contempt for jewels, caring only for things which are

1 ;Ê45<>0-

136 TRAVELS IN INDIA book ii

little thought of elsewhere. They attach great value
to the skin of a particular fish, which is rougher than
shagreen ; this fish has on the back, as it were, six
small bones, and sometimes eight, which are elevated
and form a circle, with another in the middle, resem-
bling a rose of diamonds.1 They make sword scab-
bards of these fish-skins, and the more symmetrically
these small bones form the rose and are arranged, the
more money is given for them — sometimes up to 10,000
ecus? as the Dutch have assured me. To return to
coral and to finish the discourse about it, it should
be added that the common people wear it and use it as
an ornament for the neck and arms throughout Asia,
but principally towards the north in the territories
of the Great Mogul, and beyond them, in the moun-
tains, of the Kingdoms of Assam and Bhutan.3

Yellow amber is not found except on a particular
coast of Ducal Prussia, in the Baltic Sea,4 where
the sea during certain winds throws it from time to
time on the sand. The Elector of Brandenburg, who

1 This appears to have been the skin of some kind of shark or ray.
I have seen, but cannot now refer to figures of it in some of the old
Dutch and Portuguese travels. A common kind of it is still to be seen
on the handles of the Japanese swords, of which such large numbers
have been recently imported. In his chapter on the Conduite des HoU
landois en Asie, published in the Recueil, 1679 Ed., p. 17, Tavernier
gives a further account of it. He says a perfect skin was worth up to
10,000 ecus, an ordinary one being obtainable for 1 ecu. The fish, he
adds, occurred in the Persian Gulf.

2 The French editions of 1679 and 17 13 have 1000 ecus.

3 The reason for the preference shown for coral is probably to be
attributed to the way its tints adapt themselves to set off a dark skin,
and also look well with a white garment.

4 The source of amber in Upper Burmah in the Hukung valley was
not known to Tavernier. (See Economic Geology of India, p. 57, for a
description of the mines there.)

chai», xxiii AMBER 137

is the proprietor of it, farms out all this coast for from
18,000 to 20,000 ecus a year, and sometimes up to
22,000 ecus ; and the farmers employ watchmen, who
traverse the length of the shore, the sea throwing
the amber sometimes on one side and sometimes on
the other, so that no one can steal it ; and whoever
ventures to do so receives corporal chastisement.

Amber is nothing more than a congelation of a
species of gum which forms in the sea. This experi-
ence sufficiently proves, because numerous pieces are
to be seen which contain flies and other insects
congealed in them.1 I have had many such pieces,
and one, among others, which had four or five small
flies inside it.

As I have made a remark about coral in reference
to Japan, I shall make another about amber in reference
to China. It is a custom among the Chinese that
when any great noble gives a feast, his reputation for
grandeur and magnificence depends upon his having
brought in, at the close of the repast, three or four
perfume-pans and his having thrown into each of them
a large quantity of amber, sometimes to the value of
1000 ecus and upwards, in consideration of the fact that
the more he burns, and the larger the pieces, the more
magnificent is the entertainment regarded, for a piece
weighing one livre is worth 200 to 300 ecus.2 They
use amber for this purpose because they adore fire,
and because amber, thrown in the fire, yields a certain
odour which is not unpleasing to the Chinese ; as it
contains a kind of oil it gives out a flame exceeding

1 Tavernier had therefore an approximately correct idea as to the
true nature and origin of amber as a fossilised vegetable production.

2 I.e. ^45 to £67 : 1 os. per livre.

■i

I

*

I.

138 TRAVELS IN INDIA book ii

most other flames. This profusion and waste explain

the reason why amber is one of the best articles of

merchandise that one could carry to China if trade

had been open to foreigners, but the Dutch Company

strictly reserve to themselves the trade in it — the

Chinese coming to buy it from them at Batavia.

I am unwilling to finish this chapter without making

some remarks on ambergris also. We do not very

well know either how it is formed or where it is found;

but it would appear as though it can only be in the

seas of the East, although it has sometimes been found

on the English and other European coasts.1 The

largest quantity of it is found on the coast of Melinda,

principally towards the mouths of the rivers, and

especially at the mouth of that which is called Rio di

» Sena.2 When the Governor of Mozambique returns

i

I 1 Ambergris, as is now well known, consists of the fceces of the

: Cachelot or Sperm whale, Physeter macrocephalus , which inhabits the

J Indian Ocean. Garcia de Orta in his chapter on ambergris speaks of

; ambergris containing beaks of birds. These were no doubt the beaks

\ of the cuttlefish upon which these whales feed. A form of this story

is told by Barbosa (" The East African Malabar Coasts," in Hak. Soc,
1866), who says ambergris is the guano of birds which has been
swallowed and voided by whales. Chardin (vol. iv, p. 47) doubts the
connection with birds, but mentions a number of alternative myths as
to its origin. Ainslie {Materia Afedica, vol. i, pp. 1 5- 1 7) gives an interesting
account of it, and refers to a vegetable ambergris yielded by a tree in
Guiana. He says, like many other authors, that the best ambergris
was obtained on the coast of Madagascar. In the Daily Press there
recently appeared a paragraph headed " An Ambergris King," in which
one William A. Atkins, the owner of a fleet of Cape Cod whalers, is
described as having the monopoly of the ambergris trade of America
— the ambergris being for equal weights worth more than gold. Owing
to ambergris being called ambra by some nations, very erroneous state-
ments occur in many authorities as to the distribution in the East of
true amber, for which it has been mistaken. (See Economic Geology
i of India.)

*\ 2 See p. 157.

1

chap, xxiii AMBERGRIS 139

to Goa at the close of three years, when the term of
his government is ended, he generally brings with him
about 300,000 fiardos worth of ambergris, and thzpardo,
as I have elsewhere said, amounts to 27 sols of our
money.1 Sometimes pieces of ambergris of consider-
able size and weight are found. In the year 1627
a Portuguese vessel sailing from Goa to the Manillas,
after it had passed the Straits of Malacca was overtaken
by a tempest which lasted many days and nights, the
sky being always concealed, and it being impossible for
the pilot to take observations. Meanwhile the rice
and other articles of food began to be exhausted, and
the crew began to discuss whether they should not
throw the blacks who were in the vessel into the sea in
order to preserve the food for the white men. They
were about to carry this into execution, when one
morning the sun showing itself, disclosed to them an
island to which they were tolerably near, but were,
however, unable to anchor till the following day, the
sea being high and the wind unfavourable. There
were in the vessel a Frenchman, named Marin
Renaud, of Orleans, and his brother, who on going
on shore found a river and went to bathe at its mouth,
together with two Portuguese corporals and a sergeant.
One of the corporals when bathing perceived in the
water a large mass which floated near the shore, and
which he concluded, on going near it, was a sort of
spongy stone, and left it without another thought, as
did the four others, who also went to look at it and
handled it without being able to make out what it was.
Having returned to the vessel this same corporal
reflected during the night as to what this object, of

1 27 sol s = 2s. '03d., or say 2s. 300,000 pardos therefore = ,£30,000.

/,

140 TRAVELS IN INDIA book ii

which he had been unable to ascertain the nature, could
be, and having heard ambergris spoken of, began to
think that it might be it, in which he was not mistaken.
The following day, without saying anything to his
comrades, he took a sack and got himself put on shore,
and going to the river as though he wished to bathe
again, found the piece of ambergris and carried it
secretly to the vessel, where he placed it in his box.
He was unable to restrain himself from communicating
the fact the same evening to Marin Renaud, who
. was unwilling to believe at first that it was really

J ambergris, but having well considered it thought at

lj length that the corporal was right. He, taking all

[j chances, offered the piece to Marin for two pains of

ij Chinese gold, and the golden pain is equal to 600

I livres 1 of our money ; but Marin was only willing to

give one ; the other held out on his side and kept the
piece in his box. A few days afterwards, either
* spite at not being able to get the piece of amber-

j? gris for what he had offered caused Marin to

H speak, or the matter was discovered by some other

|! way, the report, however, was spread throughout the

jj vessel that the corporal had a considerable piece of

•J ambergris in his box, which he had found by chance

I on the shore of this island near to which the Portuguese

I were at anchor, and the sailors and soldiers then insisted

on having their share. Marin Renaud out of petty
revenge set the ball a-rolling and taught them their
lesson. They told the corporal that being all comrades,
and all running the same risks, it was just that they

;i 1 Literally " loaves." The English name for the ingots of gold used

', in currency by the Chinese was "shoes"; the equivalent value here

I would be £4$. See vol. i, Appendix.

chap, xxiii AMBERGRIS 141

should all share the benefits which fortune offered them
in common ; and, moreover, that he was not the only
one to whom she had disclosed this piece of ambergris,
which should consequently be divided between all the
crew. The corporal defended himself on his side as
well as he could, and as there were some who took his
part, in the hope of having a better share of the piece if
there were few pretenders to it, the dispute became so
hot that at length it gave rise to a disturbance, which
the captain of the vessel immediately sought to allay
by his prudence. He represented to the sailors
and soldiers that this large piece of ambergris, which,
on his weighing it in their presence, proved to be 33
livres in weight, being a rare piece and worthy of being
presented to the King, it was a pity to break it into
so many small pieces; that they would find it pay them
better to keep it till their return to Goa, where, on
presenting it to the Viceroy, he would not fail to pay
well for it, and by this means they would each receive
much more. This suggestion of the captain's was
generally approved. They pursued their route to the
Manillas, and on their return the piece of amber-
gris was taken to the Viceroy. The captain told him
beforehand how the matter stood, and they concerted
together as to the means whereby they could secure
the ambergris without it costing the Viceroy anything.
Those who presented it to him on the part of the
sailors and soldiers were thanked for it, and the Viceroy
told them that he recognised their goodwill by so
splendid a present which he would send to the King,
who at that time was Philippe the Fourth, to whom
Portugal was still subject. Thus all the pretenders
to the piece of ambergris were defrauded of their

s

I

v

M

f

.1
■ ■ i

142 TRAVELS IN INDIA book ii

expectations, and neither from the Viceroy nor the
King himself, to whom the ambergris was sent, did
they receive any gift.

I shall say one other word concerning a piece of
f ambergris weighing 42 livres. In the year 1646 or

j 1647 a Zealander, of one of the best families of

3 Middlebourg, who commanded for the Dutch Com-

Jpany in the Island of Maurice, which is to the east of
that of St. Laurens,1 found this piece on the shore and
', sent it to the Company. As these people always have

<fc enemies, and there being a mark on the piece as if

j some one had broken a portion off, the Commander

was accused of having stolen half, of which charge he
cleared himself at Batavia. But the suspicion having
always dwelt in the minds of many persons, and the
i Commander seeing that they would not give him

% another appointment, returned to Zealand on the

# same vessel upon which I then was.

I

J; l Mauritius and Madagascar, the latter having been known to

r the Portuguese as St Lorenzo. Some say the Portuguese landed there

;* first on the festival of the Saint, others that it was discovered by Lorenzo

de Almeyda in 1506. (Vartkema in Hak. Soc> p. 296.)

CHAPTER XXIV

Concerning Musk and Bezoar and some other medicinal

stones.

Musk and bezoar being included among the rarest
articles of trade, and the most precious which Asia
furnishes us with, I have considered it appropriate to
devote a chapter to them, and present the reader with
some remarks about these two articles.

The best kind and the greatest quantity of musk
comes from the Kingdom of Bhutan, from whence it
is conveyed to Patna, the principal town of Bengal,
to be sold to the people of that country. All the musk
which is sold in Persia comes from thence, and the
merchants who sell musk prefer that you give them
in exchange yellow amber and coral, rather than gold
and silver, because they make great profits out of these
two commodities. I had the curiosity to take a skin
of this animal, which is here represented, to Paris.1

After this animal has been killed, the bladder,
which is situated under the belly, is cut off — it is of
the size of an egg, and is closer to the genital parts
than to the navel. The musk is then extracted from
the bladder which contains it — it is then like coagu-

1 The figure in the original, which it is needless to reproduce here,
is a tolerable representation of the musk deer, Moschus moschiferus
(Linn.)

144 TRAVELS IN INDIA book ii

lated blood. When the peasants wish to adulterate it,
they insert some of the liver and the blood of the
slaughtered animal mixed together, instead of the
musk which they have withdrawn. This mixture
generates in the bladders certain small worms which
eat the good musk, so that when one opens them
he finds that much has gone bad. Other peasants,
when they have cut the bladder and have drawn as
much musk as they can without its appearing to be
too much, put in its place small pieces of lead to
make it heavier. The merchants who buy it and
transport it into foreign countries prefer this fraud to
the other, because it does not generate these little
worms. But the fraud is still more difficult to be dis-
covered when they make small purses of the skin of
the animal's stomach, which they sew up with threads
of the same skin, so as to resemble the true bladders ;
these purses are filled with what has been removed
from the good bladders, together with the fraudulent
mixture which is added to it, so that it is difficult for
the merchants to discover anything.1 It is true that
if they bind the bladder directly they cut it, without
letting the air get to it, and without giving time to the
odour to lose some of its strength by evaporation (while
they take out what they want to remove), if this
bladder should be held to the nose of any one, blood
would immediately issue from it in consequence of the

1 A still more remarkable method of adulteration is that mentioned by
Barbosa, which consists, in short, of putting leeches on the living animal,
after the musk has been removed, and then allowing them to gorge
themselves with the blood, after which they are dried in the sun and
pounded, and the substance so prepared is placed in counterfeit pods
made of the skin of the animal. (See The East African and Malabar
Coasts, Hakluyt Society \ p. 187.)

chap, xxiv MUSK 145

pungency of the odour, which for this reason must be
tempered to render it agreeable and prevent it from
injuring the brain. The odour from the skin of this
animal, which I took to Paris, was so strong that it
was impossible to keep the skin in my rooms, as it
caused headache to all the people in the house, and it
was necessary to put it in a garret, where at length
my servants cut off the bladder — this did not prevent
its always retaining something of the odour. You
do not begin to meet with this animal till about the
560 of latitude ; but at 6o° it is in great abundance, the
country there being well wooded. It is true that in the
months of February and March, after these animals
have suffered from famine in their own country on
account of the snow, which falls in abundance to
depths of 10 or 12 feet, they come south to 44°and 45°,
to eat the corn and new rice, and it is at this time that
the peasants entrap them, in snares which they set,
and kill them with arrows and blows of sticks. Some
persons have told me that the deer are so thin and
feeble in consequence of the hunger from which they
have suffered, that many allow themselves to be
captured by coursing. There must be an enormous
number of these animals, as each has but one bladder,
the largest of which is ordinarily of the size of a hens
eggt and only yields half an ounce of musk. It some-
times requires even three or four of these bladders to
make an ounce.1

1 "The musk deer is found throughout the Himalayas, always at
great elevations, and in summer rarely below 8000 feet, and as high as
the limits of forest. It extends through the Himalayas to Central and
Northern Asia as far as Siberia. A good musk pod is valued at from 10
to 1 5 rupees. One ounce is about the average produce of the pod."
(Jerdon, Mammals of India, p. 268.) Adulteration, as it is described by
Tavernier, appears to be still practised.

VOL. II L

146 TRAVELS IN INDIA book ii

The King of Bhutan, of whom I shall speak in
the following Book, in the description which I shall
give of his Kingdom, fearing that the fraud done
in musk might stop the trade, especially as musk is
also obtained in Tonquin or Cochin -China, but is
much dearer because it is not so abundant there —
this King, I say, fearing lest this falsification of goods
would divert the trade from his territories, some time
ago ordered that the bladders should not be stitched,
but should be brought open to Bhutan, which is the
place of his residence, to be examined and sealed with
his seal. Those which I bought were of this kind ;
but notwithstanding all the King's precautions, the
peasants open them secretly, and place small pieces of
lead in them, as I have said ; this the merchants
tolerate, because the lead does not spoil the musk, and
causes no injury, save in the weight. On one of my
journeys to Patna I bought 7673 bladders, which
weighed 2557^ ounces, and 452 ounces without the
bladders.1

Bezoar2 comes from a Province of the Kingdom of
Golconda, towards the north-east. It is found in the

1 From this, with similar statements about other commodities, we
see that Taveraier did not limit his mercantile transactions to precious
stones. In Book III, chap, xv, he again refers to this purchase (?), and
says he bought 26,000 rupees worth — a Fr. ounce in the capsule costing
4 livres and 4 sols, i.e. about 6s. 3d., and out of the capsule 8 francs,
or say 6s. 8d., or if livres are intended, 12s. But at these prices the
quantity here mentioned falls far short of making the total sum of 26,000
rupees. This, supposing the occasions to be identical, as appears to be
the case, is a characteristic Tavernier discrepancy.

2 Bezoar is from padzar, Persian, the name given to intestinal
calculi. It was formerly so highly esteemed in the East as a drug
that the early European travellers all seemed to believe in its efficacy,
and accounts of it are to be found in the writings by many of them.
(See note 1, on p. 151.)

chap, xxiv BEZOAR 147

fodder in the paunches of goats which brouse on a
tree, the name of which I have forgotten. This plant
bears little buds, about which, and also on the tips
of the branches, which the goats eat, the bezoar con-
cretes in the bellies of these animals. It assumes a
form according to the shape of the buds and the ends
of the branches, and this is why one finds it in so many
different shapes. The peasants, by feeling the belly of
the goat, know how many bezoars it contains, and they
sell the goat for a price in proportion to the number
which are therein. In order to ascertain this, they run
both hands under the belly of the goat and beat the
paunch along both sides, so that all the stones fall to
the middle thereof, and they then estimate exactly,
by touch, how many bezoars are in it. The value of
bezoar depends on the size, although the small possess
no less virtue than the large. But in this respect one
is often deceived by the fact that there are people who
enlarge the bezoar with a kind of paste made of gum
and other materials of the same colour as the bezoar.
They understand, even, how to give as many coats
as the natural bezoar ought to have. One can detect
this fraud easily by two methods. The first by weigh-
ing the bezoar and placing it to steep for some time
in lukewarm water ; if the water does not change its
colour, and if the bezoar does not lose weight, it has
not been adulterated. The other means is to touch
the bezoar with a pointed hot iron ; if the iron enters
it and makes it fry, it is a sign that it is a mixture, and
that it is not genuine. For the rest, the larger the
bezoar the higher the price, which rises in propor-
tion like that of the diamond. For if 5 or 6 bezoars
weigh an ounce, the ounce will be worth from 1 5 to 1 8

148 TRAVELS IN INDIA book ii

francs, but if it is a bezoar of one ounce, the ounce
will be worth fully ioo francs. I have sold one of
4^ ounces for as much as 2000 livres}

I had the curiosity to investigate all that can be ascer-
tained regarding bezoar, having already made several
visits to Golconda, which is the place where there is
the most considerable sale of it, without being able to as-
certain in what part of the body of the goat it is found.
On my fifth journey some individuals who were in the
services of the English and Dutch Companies, and who
dared not trade on their own account, were indebted to
me because I purchased about 60,000 rupees worth of
bezoar for them. The merchants who sold it, wishing
to show their acknowledgment, and to make me some
present, I refused, and told them I had never taken
anything from any one for a service which I was able
to render. But I let them know that I would again be
able to serve them in the approaching monsoon, and
that they would oblige me also, on their part, if they
would get three or four of these goats which produce
the bezoar for me, promising to pay them for them
whatsoever they were worth. The merchants appeared
much surprised at this demand, and replied that the
prohibition was so strict that if any one was found
who dared to remove the goats out of the Province
he would be executed without fail. I saw plainly
that this request troubled them, for on the one side
they feared punishment and on the other they were
afraid lest I might prevent them from making another
sale ; this would have been a great loss to these poor
people, who, whether they do or do not sell, are obliged
to pay the King, for the farm, 6000 old pagodas, which

1 /150.

chap, xxiv BEZOAR 149

amount to 45,000 livres of our money.1 Fifteen days
afterwards or thereabouts, not having thought anything
further about them, three of them knocked at my door
before daylight. As soon as they had entered my
chamber, where I was still in bed, they asked me if all
my servants were foreigners. As I had none from the
town, and they were all either Persians or from Surat,
I told them they were all foreigners, upon which they
withdrew without replying to me. Half an hour after-
wards they returned with six of these goats, which I
examined at my leisure. It should be said that they
are beautiful animals, very tall, and having fine hair,
like silk. As soon as the goats were safely in my hall,
the eldest of the three merchants who had brought
them, beginning to speak by paying me a compliment,
told me that since I had not been willing to take the
present which they wished to make me, for having
procured the sale of so large a parcel of bezoar, at
the least I would not refuse these six goats which
they gave me with their whole hearts ; but as I did not
wish to take them entirely as a gift, as they desired,
I asked what the value of them was ; and, after having
made great difficulty about telling me, I was at length
much surprised and thought they were joking when
they said that one of the goats which they pointed out
was worth three rupees, that each of the two next
were worth four rupees, and each of the three which
remained four and a quarter rupees. Upon which I
asked them why some of the goats were dearer than

1 There may be some mistake here, as 6000 old pagodas are only
equal to 45,000 livres when the pagoda is taken at 5 rupees, whereas
Taveraier in general gives the old pagoda the value of only 4 J rupees,
45,000 livres = ^337 5.

150 TRAVELS IN INDIA book ii

others, and I learnt that it was because one had only
one bezoar in the stomach, and the others had two or
three or four of them ; this they made me see for
myself, forthwith, by tapping the belly, as I have above
described. These six goats had 1 7 bezoars, and a half
one, like the half of a nut. The inside was like the
soft dropping of a goat, as these bezoars grow amongst
the food in the belly of the goat. Some have told me
that bezoars originate close to the liver, others main-
tain that it is close to the heart, but I was never able
to ascertain the truth.1

Both in the East and West there are an abundance of
bezoars obtained from cows, and there are some which
weigh up to 17 or 18 ounces, such an one having been
given to the Grand Duke of Tuscany. But nothing
is thought of this kind of bezoar, six grains of the other
having a greater effect than thirty of it.

As for the bezoar obtained from monkeys, as some
believe, it is so strong that two grains of it do as much
as six from that of the goat ; but it is very rare, and it
is found particularly in the species of monkeys which
live in the Island of Macassar. This kind of bezoar is
round, while the other is of diverse forms, according to
the forms of the buds and ends of branches which the
goats have eaten. As these stones, which it is believed
come from monkeys, are much rarer than the others,
they are also much dearer and much more sought after ;
and when one is found of the size of a nut it is valued
at more than 100 ecus. The Portuguese, more than

1 That Tavernier was not well versed in anatomy is sufficiently
apparent from this passage, but at the period at which he wrote it, more
than two centuries ago, such references to the heart and liver, and their
communication with the stomach, would probably have passed without
criticism.

chap, xxiv BEZOAR 151

other nations, attach great value to bezoar, because
they are always on their guard, one against the
other, fearing that an enemy may wish to poison
them.1

There is still another much esteemed stone which
is called the porcupine stone, which this animal has in
its head, and is more efficacious against poison than
bezoar. When one has placed it to steep in water for
a quarter of an hour, the water becomes so bitter that
there is nothing in the world to equal it in bitterness.2
This animal has also sometimes, in its belly, a stone
which is of the same nature and equally good as that
which comes from the head, except with this difference,
that it loses nothing of its weight or size by steeping
in water, while there is diminution of the other. During
my life I have bought three of these stones. One cost
me 500 ecus, and I disposed of it subsequently with
advantage to the Ambassador Dominico de Santis,3
of whom I have spoken in my accounts of Persia. I
paid 400 ecus for another, which I still keep ; and the

1 Garcia de Orta, who devotes a chapter to bezoar, highly extols
its merits as a medicine in cases of ague, measles, as an antidote to
poison, and in the treatment of abscesses ; he mentions that it was sup-
posed, moreover, to possess aphrodisiac properties. It is not now
believed to have any therapeutic value — to be, in fact, neutral.

2 It seems probable that the substance supposed to be obtained in
the head of the porcupine was a vegetable drug, to which that mythical
origin was ascribed. Castanheda mentions a stone obtained in the head
of an animal called bulgoldorf, which was exceedingly rare, and was said
to be an antidote against all kinds of poison (Kerr's Voyages and
Travels, vol. ii, p. 439). To test a bezoar, according to Fryer — (1)
rub it on chalk, if it leave an olive colour it is good ; (2) touch them
with a hot iron, " and if they fry like wax they are naught ;" (3) put
them in water, if small white bubbles rise they are good, if not they
are doubtful. (Account, Calcutta Edition, p. 469.)

8 See Persian Travels, Book II, chap, v, p. 181. He was an
ambassador from the Venetian Republic.

152 TRAVELS IN INDIA book ii

third was sold to me for 300 ecus, and I made a present
of it to a friend.

I shall finally make mention of the snake -stone,
which is nearly of the size of a double? some of them
tending to an oval shape, being thick in the middle
and becoming thin towards the edges. The Indians
say that it grows on the heads of certain snakes, but I
should rather believe that it is the priests of the idolaters
who make them think so, and that this stone is a com-
position which is made of certain drugs.2 Whatever
it may be, it has an excellent virtue in extracting all
the poison when one has been bitten by a poisonous
animal. If the part bitten is not punctured it is neces-
sary to make an incision so that the blood may flow ;
and when the stone has been applied to it, it does not
fall off till it has extracted all the venom which is drawn
to it. In order to clean it it is steeped in woman's milk,
or, in default of it, in that of a cow ; and after having
been steeped for ten or twelve hours, the milk, which
has absorbed all the venom, assumes the colour of
matter. One day, when I dined with the Archbishop
of Goa, he took me into his museum, where he had
many curiosities. Among other things he showed me
one of these stones, and in telling me of its properties
assured me that it was but three days since he had
made trial of it, after which he presented it to me. As

1 Doubloon f A Spanish gold coin.

2 Thevenot says that they were made of the ashes of the root of a
certain plant, mixed with a particular kind of clay (Voyage, p. 94).
Some snake-stones appear to have been made of charred bone. (See for
for an exhaustive account of this subject Yule-Burnell, Anglo-Indian
Glossary.) The belief in their efficacy is still very general in India ; by
some they are supposed to be found in the head of the adjutant bird
(see Jungle Life in India, p. 82).

chap, xxiv SNAKE STONES 153

he traversed a marsh on the island of Salsette, upon
which Goa is situated, on his way to a house in the
country, one of his pallankeen bearers, who was
almost naked, was bitten by a serpent and was at
once cured by this stone. I have bought many of
them ; it is only the Brahmins who sell them, and it
is that which makes me think that they make them.
You employ two methods to ascertain if the snake-
stone is good, and that there is no fraud. The first is
by placing the stone in the mouth, for then, if good, it
leaps and attaches itself immediately to the palate.
The other is to place it in a glass full of water, and
immediately, if it is genuine, the water begins to boil,
small bubbles ascending from the stone, which is at
the bottom, to the top of the water.

There is still another stone which is called " stone
of the hooded snake."1 It is a kind of snake which
has, as it were, a hood which hangs behind the head,
and it is behind this hood that the stone is found, the
smallest being of the size of a hen's egg. There are
snakes in Africa and in Asia of an enormous size,2
and up to 25 feet in length, as was that one whose
skin is preserved at Batavia. This snake had swal-
lowed a girl of eighteen years, of which fact I have
elsewhere given an account.8 You only find these
stones in snakes which are, at the least, two feet in
length. The stone, which is not hard, when rubbed
against another stone yields a kind of slime which,
when dissolved in water and drunk by a person who

1 Cobra di capello — Naja tripudians. The figure referred to is a
spirited one of a cobra, but is not reproduced here.

2 Pythons.

3 I have not met this account to which the author refers, and don't
know where he has related it

154 TRAVELS IN INDIA book ii

has some poison in his body, has the property of driv-
ing it out at once. These snakes are only to be found
on the coasts of Melinda, and you can obtain the
stones from Portuguese sailors and soldiers on their
return from Mozambique.

CHAPTER XXV

Concerning the places from whence gold is obtained in

Asia and Africa.

Japan consists of many islands to the east of China
trending northwards, some even believing that Niphon,
which is the largest of them, is, as it were, in contact
with the mainland ; it is the region of all Asia which
furnishes the greatest quantity of gold, but it is
thought that the principal part of it comes from the
island of Formosa, from whence it is carried to Japan.
Since the Dutch have held Formosa they have been
unable to develop the trade of the particular locality
where they believe the gold to occur.1

Gold also comes from China, and the Chinese
exchange it for the silver taken to them, for, price for
price, they prefer silver to gold, because they have no
mines of silver. This gold is of one of the lowest
standards of any found in Asia.

1 The occurrence of gold in China, Japan, and Formosa is not a
subject that can be treated of exhaustively in these notes. That mines
occur in China and Japan is well known, but I have not been able to
find conclusive evidence with reference to Formosa. Ainslie {Materia
Mcdica, vol i, p. 516) quotes the Asiatic Journal Tor December 1824 in
support of the statement that the island abounds in gold. From a
cursory examination of Mr. Locke's great work on gold, it seems to
contain no reference to Formosa.

i

y*

i

9

\

I

15G TRAVELS IN INDIA book ii

A The island of Celebes or Macassar l also produces

* gold, which is obtained from the rivers, where it occurs

mingled with the sand.

In the island of Achin or Sumatra,2 after the rainy
'j season, and when the waters in the streams have sub-

t sided, veins of gold are found in the pebbles of dif-

4 ferent sizes which the rains have carried down from

the mountains facing the north-east. On the west
coast of the same island, where the Dutch go to ship
pepper, the peasants bring an abundance of gold, but
•j it is of very low standard, even inferior to the gold

') of China.

/ Towards Thibet, which is identical with the

* Caucasus of the Ancients, in the territories of a Raja
\ beyond the Kingdom of Kashmir, there are three
^ mountains close to one another, one of which produces

gold of excellent quality, another grenat, and another
lap is. s

s

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i

J x Gold occurs in the rivers of the northern and south-western

1 peninsulas of Celebes. (Crawfurd, Dictionary.)

2 According to Crawfurd a small gold coin called mas (worth is. 2d.)
\ from the Malay name of the metal, has been coined at Achin. Gold
î dust, however, was the common medium of exchange. The Achinese
'l have learnt the use of the touchstone from Telugu settlers. The gold

filigree work of the Malays of Sumatra is very beautiful. A total of
;£ 1,000,000 worth of gold was considered by Crawfurd to cover the
annual yield of all the Malayan islands in 1856.

3 This indication as to the three mountains is somewhat vague.
In all probability the grenat mine may be identified with the ruby, or
rather spinelle mine, which is situated on the banks of the Shignân, a
tributary of the Oxus in Badakshân. As pointed out in vol. i, p. 382 »,
the name balas was derived from this locality. The lapis mine is near
Firgâmu, also in Badakshân, Lat 360 io' Long. 710. The Thibet gold
mines, famous since the days of Herodotus, are somewhat numerous.
Each of these localities will be found described in the Economic Geology
of India, pp. 213, 430, 529, where, also, an explanation of the myth of
the gold-digging ants is suggested.

chap, xxv GOLD IN ASIA AND AFRICA 157

Finally, gold comes from the kingdom of Tipperah,1
of which I shall give a description in the following
Book, but this gold is of bad quality, being of about
the same standard as the gold of China.

These are all the places in Asia 2 from whence gold
comes, and I shall now say something of the gold of
Africa, and of the region where it is obtained in
greatest abundance.8

It should be remarked, under this head, that the
governor of Mozambique has subject to him the com-
manders of Sofala4 and of Shupanga.6 The first of
these two small governments is on the river Sena
60 leagues from its mouth, and the other is 10 leagues
higher up. From the mouth of the river up to these
places on both sides there are many settlements of
negroes, each of which is commanded by a Portuguese.
These Portuguese have for a long time been masters

1 Tipra in the original. I do not know of any evidence for the
occurrence of gold in Tipperah ; possibly what was brought from thence
in Tavernier's time was received from Assam, China, or Burmah, in
exchange for other commodities. Our Author devotes chap, xvi of
Book III to a description of the Kingdom, which see.

2 It is strange that Tavernier should have been unaware of the
occurrence of gold in any part of the Indian Peninsula, there being so
many localities where it is obtained, some of which were most probably
worked in his time. ( Vide for distribution of gold Economic Geology of
India, chap. " Gold.")

3 Of the existence of gold in Eastern Africa there is abundant
evidence. Of that which reaches the coast, however, a large proportion
probably comes from far off in the interior.

4 The position ascribed to Sofala is incorrect, as it was not on the
river named, but some two degrees, or say 70 leagues, to the south of
the Delta of the Zambesi, on which the town of Sena is situated. A
very interesting collection of notices referring to Sofala and its gold is
given in Yule-BurnelPs Anglo-Indian Glossary,

5 Chepongoura in the original. The modern Shupanga on the
Zambesi is probably Tavernier's Chepongoura ; it is between Sena and
the coast.

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4 158 TRAVELS IN INDIA book ii
*

of the country, and act like petty princes, making war
against one another on the smallest pretext, there
being some among them who have as many as 5000
Cafres, who are their slaves. The Governor of
Mozambique, to whom these petty princes are sub-
ject, furnishes them with cloth and other necessary
goods, each of which he sells according to its market
value. When the Governor of Mozambique1 leaves
j Goa to assume possession of his government, which is

,[ the best of those subject to the Viceroy, he takes with

V him a great quantity of goods, and especially calicoes

*» dyed black. His correspondents at Goa also send

*j him every year two vessels laden with the same goods,

\\ which he forwards to Sofala and Shupanga, and up

{; to the town of Monomotapa,2 capital of a Kingdom

of the same name, otherwise called Voubebaran — the
■ # town being about 1 50 leagues distant from Shupanga.

j! The ruler of all this country takes the name of Emperor

of Monomotapa, and his authority extends up to the
confines of Preste Jan.8 It is from these territories of
i Monomotapa whence the purest and finest African

) gold comes, and it is extracted without great diffi-

J culty by excavating in the ground to a depth of only 2

or 3 feet. In certain places in this country which are
( not inhabited, because there is no water there, gold is

* 1

1 1

4 ,

1 Castanheda says that the Moors took from India to Mozambique
" silver, linen cloth, pepper, ginger, silver rings, many pearls and rubies,
and from a country inland they procured gold. He also states that
much gold was brought from the interior to Sofala. (See Kerr's
Voyages and Travels^ vol. ii, pp. 317 and 427.)

2 Matabele? The name is spelt Monomopata and Monomotapa
in the original.

3 Le. Abyssinia. The name Prester John was given to the ruling
monarch by the Portuguese. (See note by Rev. Percy Badger in
Varthema^ Hakluyt Society \ p. 63.)

i

chap, xxv M. DU JARDIN 159

found on the surface of the ground in nuggets of all
kinds of shapes and weights, and there are some
of these nuggets which weigh an ounce. I have had,
as curiosities, some pieces which I have presented
to my friends, and some of them weighed as much
as 2 ounces. I still have one weighing an ounce
and a half or thereabouts. When at Surat with
M. d'Ardiliére,1 son of M. du Jardin, of whom
I have made mention in my account of Persia,
an Ambassador from the King of Abyssinia arrived,
whom we went to salute. I presented him with
a pair of pocket pistols decorated with silver, and
having invited us to dine with him he showed us
the presents which he was carrying to the Great
Mogul on behalf of the King, his master. They
consisted of fourteen beautiful horses, which were
all that remained out of thirty he had taken from
his country, the others having died in the vessel

1 The references to M. du Jardin and his son are very perplexing.
In the Persian Travels^ Book II, chap, vi, Tavernier says he started
on his fourth journey from Paris with M. Ardiliére, son of M. du Jardin.
When landing at Masulipatam he refers to his companion as M. Louis
du Jardin (Book I, chap. xvii). He again mentions him as being with
him at Madras (Book I, chap, xviii), and in chap, xix he records his death
in the year 1852. In Book III, chap, xiv, he speaks of being in M.
d'Ardiliére's company on the road from Golconda to Surat in the year
1653. From all of which it would seem to be the legitimate conclusion
that both father and son travelled with him in India, as is suggested
on pp. 336 and 690. However, it is due to M. Joret to say that he
may be right in treating these notices as all referring to the same
person, and consequently the date 1653 must be wrong, if he died in
1652. But it should be added that this present notice seems to con-
tradict that view, as M. du Jardin died within a few days of their
arrival at Surat. Fryer in 167 1 mentions M. Jordan (? Jardin) as
having, with M. Rezin, succeeded Tavernier in the trade of carrying
diamonds to and from Europe. (See his Account, Calcutta Edition,
P- 276.)

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160 TRAVELS IN INDIA book ii

when crossing the sea from Mocha to Surat. Also
à number of young slaves of both sexes ; and finally,
this being the most important and worthy to be
admired, there was a tree of gold 2 feet 4 inches
high, and about 5 or 6 inches round the stem.1 It
had ten or twelve branches, some of which were nearly
half a foot long and an inch broad, others being smaller.
In some parts of the large branches there was to be
seen some roughness, which in a manner resembled
buds. The roots of this tree which had been thus
naturally formed, were small and short, the longest

j not being more than 4 or 5 inches.

The people of this Kingdom of Monomotapa,

?f. knowing the time that the calicoes and other goods

{■: arrive at Sofala and Shupanga, come punctually to

provide themselves with what they require. Numerous

V} Cafres from other Kingdoms and Provinces also

come, and the Governors of these two towns sell them
calicoes and other things of which they have need,

1

i.

|i trusting for the payment which they undertake to make

the following year by bringing gold, to the amount

agreed upon, for if the Governor did not trust them thus

there would be no trade between the Portuguese and

the Cafres. It is almost the same with the Ethiopians

/( who every year carry gold to Cairo, of which I have

spoken in my account of the Seraglio of the Grand

Seigneur. These people of Monomotapa do not live a

long time on account of the bad water in their country.

At the age of twenty-five years they begin to be dropsical,

so that it is considered a marvel when they exceed forty

years in age. The Province where the river Sena

1 This description suggests a manufactured article, but it is possible
that it was really, as Tavernier supposed, a natural arborescent nugget.

chap, xxv AFRICAN ELEPHANTS 161

rises is called Moukaran,1 and belongs to another
King, commencing at ioo leagues or thereabouts
above Shupanga. The people of this Province find
much gold dust in several rivers which join the Sena ;
but this gold is inferior to the other kind, and it is
also taken to Shupanga and Sofala. The country is
very healthy, and the inhabitants live as long as those
of Europe. In certain years Cafres arrive there from
much farther than the Province of Moukaran, and
even from the neighbourhood of the Cape of Good
Hope. The Portuguese know of the country and its
name, but have not induced the Cafres to reveal more
than that their country, called Sabia,2 is governed by a
King, and that they generally spend four months on
the road to Sofala. The gold which they bring is
excellent, and is in nuggets, like that of Monomotapa ;
they say that they find it on high mountains, where
they only have to excavate the ground for it to the
depth of i o or 12 feet. They also bring an abundance
of elephants' tusks, and say that there are so many
elephants in the country that they are to be seen in
troops in the fields, and that all the palisades of the
fortresses and parks are made of elephants' tusks ; this
I have also observed elsewhere.3 The ordinary food
of these Cafres is the flesh of this animal, and four of
them, with their assegais,4 which are a kind of short

1 Moukaran — not identified.

2 Perhaps some mistake here. There is a Sabia river marked on
the map as coming next to Sofala on the south.

3 See vol. i, p. 277.

4 Ageagayes in the original, for Assegais, the well-known hurling
spears used in Africa. The word is from the Berber zaghdya^ with the
Arabic article prefixed. It occurs commonly in travellers' accounts of
other countries besides those included in Africa. (See Yule-Burnell,
Anglo- Indian Glossary , p. 28.)

VOL. II M

162 TRAVELS IN INDIA book n

pike, are able to bring an elephant to the ground and
kill it. All the water in their country is very bad,
which is the reason why they have swollen legs, and it
is a marvel when any one is exempt.

Above Sofala there is a country commanded by a
King called the King of Baroé. In some part of his
country there grows a root which is an inch thick, and
of a yellow colour. It cures all kinds of fever by
causing vomiting ; but as very little of it is found the
King forbids, under severe penalty, any of it to be
carried out of his Kingdom. While Dom Philippe de
Mascarehnas was Viceroy of Goa the King of Baroé
sent him a piece of this root1 about 3 feet long,
garnished with gold at both ends, and with rings of
gold in the middle. The Viceroy having received it
made great account of it, and causing it to be cut up
into several pieces presented them to certain of his
friends. He sent two to Surat to Mr. Fremlin, the
English President, who showed them to me, and having
placed a piece of the root on my tongue I found the
taste very bitter.

As for silver mines, there are none in the whole
of Asia,2 save only in the Kingdom of Japan. Some
years ago very rich mines of tin were discovered
at Delegore, Sangore, Bordelon, and Bata ; 8

1 I have not been able to identify with certainty either Baroé or the
bitter root which it produces.

2 Tavernier is here in error, as there are undoubted sources of silver
in India and on the confines of Assam and Burma, which have been
largely worked. This common mistake is repeated in the Imperial
Gazetteer, vol. vi, p. 624. (See Economic Geology of India, chap, iv,
" Silver.") Silver certainly occurs also in other parts of Asia. (See
Book III, chap, xv.)

3 Delli(?), Salangor, Billiton, and Banka(?). The three last are well-
known centres of the tin industry.

chap, xxv TIN 163

this has done some injury to the English, because
there is no longer need of their tin as formerly,
sufficient being now produced in Asia. Tin is only
used in this country to tin cooking -pots, kettles, and
other copper utensils.

CHAPTER XXVI

Account of a notable act of perfidy done to the author
when he was about to embark at Gombroon for

Su RAT.

In the month of April 1665, being about to leave
Gombroon, and when on the point of embarkation for
Surat in a vessel which belonged to the broker of the
Dutch Company, and was commanded by Captain
Hans — the Agent of the English gave me a packet of
letters, which had arrived by express from England,
to deliver to the President of Surat. This packet was
very large, because, besides the Company's letters, he
had included in it those which were for private persons
in Surat and other parts of India. I received the
packet from him, on the evening of my embarkation,
in presence of M. Casembrot, a Dutchman, who had
come to Persia by land, and was related to M. Henry
Van Wuck, Commander at Gombroon. Casembrot
managed to accompany me on all occasions when I
went to see the English Agent, and Van Wuck asked
me at each visit which I paid him, whether the Agent
had not entrusted me with letters for Surat. I replied
ingenuously that he had told me that he would give
me some, without suspecting anything of the evil
intention of both of these two men. Their object, as

chap, xxvi PERFIDY OF THE DUTCH 165

appeared subsequently, was to obtain possession of this
packet in consequence of the rumour which was in cir-
culation of a rupture between England and Holland,
and because they thought that the English had re-
ceived definite news of it, as some days previously an
Arab had arrived by the desert route and had brought
a packet to the English Agent ; this caused the Com-
mander Van Wùck much anxiety.

As soon as I had received the packet from the
Agent, Casembrot, who was always on the watch, and
looked on, as it was put into my hands, reported it to
Van Wûck, and told him of its form and size ; and I,
after having pledged the Agent in a glass of wine
which he offered me when wishing me a good passage,
went to take leave of Van Wuck, who would not
allow me to go till after I had supped with him. He
kept me, as it were by force, in order to have more
time to accomplish his coup ; and excusing himself for
being unable to accompany me on account of the
arrival of three vessels which cast anchor while we
were at table, he lent me his own boat to go on board,
together with four or five of the principal officers of
his staff, whom he sent with me, under pretext of
escorting me, and with them the captain of the vessel
also, to whom he gave the word. As soon as we were
on board the captain offered me his own cabin, where
he had already directed my bed to be placed by my
servants, who had been on board for two days before,
and on my making a difficulty about accepting it, he
told me that the Commander had ordered him to do so,
to which I replied that I would not accept his cabin,
except on the condition that I should only occupy half
of it, while he took the other. This having been

16G TRAVELS IN INDIA book ii

arranged, I drew the packet of English letters from
the pocket of my greatcoat, and giving it to one of my
servants to place in my bouccha? which is the valise of
these countries, he put the bouccha between the side of
the vessel and the head of my bed. There had come
with us to the ship two small boats, which contained
more than sixty bags of silver, some of 50 and others
of 100 tomans? all the bags being made in Persia in
that manner. Immediately the boats were alongside,
[the crew] commenced to hoist the bags, one after the
other, into the vessel, but did so very slowly, with the
object of delaying us the whole night, and to compel
me to go to bed. But as they observed that I was
unwilling to retire, the captain, the pilot, and the Com-
pany's Broker, to whom, as I have said, the vessel
belonged, consulted with the Dutch, and all together
conspired to let a bag of 100 tomans fall into the
sea when hoisting it into the vessel ; this was done
in order to have time to accomplish their design.
As soon as the bag fell into the sea they sent a boat
to Gombroon to fetch a diver, who reached the vessel
by daybreak, in order to dive for the sack. Seeing
then that the vessel could not leave before the follow-
ing day at two or three o'clock, I went to lie down,
my bouccha being all the time in the same place, half
under the head of my bed and half outside. My
servants went to rest in the gunners cabin, and while
I slept alone in that of the captain my bouccha was
quietly drawn out, and from it the packet of letters

1 I must relinquish it to some one else to discuss the etymology
of this word. It has been suggested to me that it may be connected
with the Persian posa, a covering.

2 Toman (see vol. i, Appendix).

chap, xxvi PERFIDY OF THE DUTCH 167

was taken, another well sealed and of similar form and
size, which only contained white paper, being put in
its place. The bag which they had purposely allowed
to fall into the sea in order to accomplish this wicked
coup, having been pulled up, we made sail, and arrived
at the port of Surat on the 5th of May of the same
year. The Dutch Commander having done me the
honour to send a barque 2 or 3 leagues out to sea to
fetch me, immediately when I landed, which was about
midnight, I desired before all things to pay my respects
to him, asking two Capuchin Fathers, who were at the
port at our debarkation, to deliver to the English
President the packet which I had taken out of my
bouccha, this service they willingly undertook. But
they told me that, as it was an unseasonable hour, and
that the President, who was gouty, might be then
asleep, they, not considering it proper to awake him,
would wait till the morrow to accompany me, when
I should be able to deliver the packet to the President
myself. But the gout from which he suffered not
permitting him to sleep much, it was delivered to
him the same hour. The President having opened
the packet in presence of the chief officers of his
staff, they only found white paper folded like letters
inside it. This having been reported to me, I realised
at once the bad turn which Van Wuck and his
accomplices had played me. What confirmed me
further as to this perfidy was, that on going to
examine my bouccha I found that a jewel which I had
tried to sell to the Governor of Gombroon had also
disappeared. Not having been able to agree with
him as to the price, he returned it to me some hours
before I embarked for Surat, and I had placed it in

168 TRAVELS IN INDIA book ii

haste with the packet of letters in my bouccha, where
I did not find it on arrival at Surat.

Nevertheless the theft of this packet of letters,
which had been thus accomplished, incensed the
President against me so much that he refused to
allow me to justify myself, and I was moreover an
object for the rage of many private Englishmen
affected by the loss of the letters in the packet, which
were addressed to them. They went so far on different
occasions as to attempt my life, as I am able to prove
by the evidence and affidavits of many men of honour,
and particularly of M. Hartman, who was then the
second officer in the factory at Surat. So, to protect
myself from snares which were set for me, I was
obliged to be constantly accompanied by many people,
and I was even unable to go to Golconda, where there
is a great trade in diamonds, having been warned by
my friends that ten or twelve English awaited me in
that part of the world in order to do me some injury.
The treachery which was thus done to me disturbed
all my plans and caused me considerable loss ; besides
which I was obliged to carry back to Persia a large
sum of money, in consequence of my not being able to
invest it in India.

This is a copy of the letter which I sent on this
subject to Batavia, to the General of the Dutch Com-
pany and the members of his Council, dated Surat,
the 1 6th May 1665.

"Gentlemen — I take the liberty to write to you
these lines in order to testify the displeasure I have
experienced at the affront done me by Commander
Henri Van Wuck at Gombroon, who, notwithstanding
the letters of recommendation which I had from the

chap, xxvi PERFIDY OF THE DUTCH 169

Ambassador to the States, an Officer of my King,
addressed, one to the Chief Officer of the Company at
Ispahan, another to the Commander at Gombroon,
and a third to the Commander in this town of Surat,
asking all three to assist me as much as possible, except
in so far as the Company was interested. . But M.
Henri Van Wuck has disregarded his, and has done
me the most signal affront that a man of honour, as
I am, who am an Officer of his Royal Highness, the
brother of my King, could ever receive, which was to
have my baggage opened, where there were many
jewels, some of which have been lost, and to have
ordered a large packet of letters to be taken which
the Agent of the English at Gombroon entrusted
to me to deliver to the President of the English in
this town of Surat, having had another packet con-
taining blank paper placed in its stead. I leave you
to reflect as to what kind of esteem the President and
all the English hold me in at present, and whether
I have not good cause for making my complaints
and asking justice from you. And, if it should
please you gentlemen to send me permission to wait
upon you at Batavia, in order to testify, by word
of mouth, the displeasure which I feel on account
of this which M. Van Wuck has done me in order to
accomplish a crime of this nature, and to inform you
in detail of the manner in which all this affair has
happened, you would oblige me much. At the least,
I ask you to give me some satisfaction in respect to
the author of the theft, in default of which I shall not
fail, as soon as I have, by the grace of God, returned
to France, to make my complaints through the King
my master, who has honoured me with his protection,

h

TRAVELS IN INDIA

| and through his Royal Highness, his only brother,

f to MM. the States, and from their Ambassador, to

I obtain satisfaction, at whatever cost, of the said Van

Wûck, and by this means establish my honour.
J Moreover, if I return by Ispahan, I shall not omit to

* inform the King of Persia of it, and shall tell him,

after so much honour as his Majesty has done me,
and notwithstanding all the passports which I have
held from him, that the said M. Van Wuck has treated
me in this fashion. I believe also that his Majesty
will not be pleased to hear that all the patterns of
jewels, which I was to buy and have made for him
both in India and Europe, were lost when the packet
of letters was stolen. I can also advise him of the
plots and conspiracies which M. Van Wuck has had
at Gombroon with a Prince, an enemy of Persia, who
came to the said place in disguise. Finally, I know
enough to make him receive an equal or greater affront
than he has done me ; and by his receiving it the
Company will receive it also. This, gentlemen, is
what I am resolved upon if you do not decide to give
me complete satisfaction, though I believe I shall not
have that trouble. Hoping that you will not omit to
do me justice before I leave this country to return to
Europe, where as in all other places I shall always
be, Gentlemen, your very humble, etc."

It is rare to see treason unpunished, and the
principal actors in this plot all had miserable ends.

In the following monsoon the vessels which arrived
from Surat at Gombroon spread in that region the
tidings of the black villany which had been done me ;
and a short time after, M. Van Wùck having been
attacked by a kind of fever, and the Rev. Father

i.

chap, xxvi PERFIDY OF THE DUTCH 171

Balthasar, Carmelite Monk, going to see him, sought
to get him to speak of this affair with which he was so
prominently mixed up. But he defended himself of
the charge strongly, and making use of an equivoca-
tion, said, that if it was true that he had taken the
letters, he wished to die without speaking, and not to
live three days. He had not in truth committed the
theft, but he had arranged for its being done ; and he
died at the end of three days, and without speaking.
His Lieutenant, named Bozan, one of those whom he
had sent to escort me to the vessel, and who apparently
had opened the bouccha and committed the theft,
after a great debauch, having lain down on the terrace
of the house to sleep in the fresh air, as these terraces
have neither parapet nor anything to prevent a fall, on
moving and rolling in his sleep, fell over, and on the
following day was found dead on the seashore. As
for the Captain of the vessel, who was also in the plot,
four or five days after his arrival at Su rat, as he
pursued his way, a Muhammadan, jealous of his wife,
whom he had beaten, and excited to rage against some
Franks who separated them, believing this Captain,
whom he found alone, was of the band, stabbed him
five or six times with a dagger, upon which he fell
dead on the ground. Such were the miserable ends
of all these people.

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BOOK III

Concerning the religion of the Muhammadans and that of
the Idolaters of India : the voyage of the Author by
sea from Surat to Batavia, and from Batavia to
Holland ; and of many peculiarities in different
Kingdoms of the East.

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CHAPTER I

Concerning the religion of the Muhammadans in the

East Indies.

The diversity which is found among the Muham-
madans does not only consist in the different explana-
tions which they give to their Koran} but also in the
different opinions which they have of the first suc-
cessors of Muhammad. It is from this that two sects,
entirely opposed to one another, have sprung ; the one
calling itself the Sunnis is followed by the Turks, the
other the Shias,2 which is the sect of the Persians. I
shall not delay here to say more as to the difference
between these two sects, which divide the Muhammadan
world, having spoken sufficiently of them in my accounts
of Persia, and I shall only describe the present con-
dition of this false religion, both in the Empire of the
Great Mogul and in the Kingdoms of Golconda and
Bijapur.

At the first establishment of Muhammadanism in

1 Alcoran in the original.

2 Sounnis and Chias in the original, and Sunnis and Schiais in the
Persian Travels, Book IV, chap. vii. The former revere the direct
successors of Muhammad, and the latter maintain that Ali and his sons
Hosen and Hosain are the true successors to the caliphate. Sunnis pre-
dominate in the Muhammadan population of India, but there are also many
Shias there, some of them being descendants of Persian immigrants.

,

170 TRAVELS IN INDIA book m

India the Christians' of the East were very ostenta-
tious but not very devout, and the Idolaters were
effeminate people who were unable to make much
resistance. Thus it was easy for the Muhammadans
to subject both by force of arms. This they did with
so much success that many Christians and Idolaters
embraced the law of Muhammad.

The Great Mogul with all his Court followed the
sect of the Sunnis, the King of Golconda that of the
Shias, and the King of Bijapur had in his territories
both Sunnis and Shias. The same might also be said
of the Court of the Great Mogul, on account of the
number of Persians who came to serve in his armies.
It is true that although they regarded the Sunnis with
horror they nevertheless follow, in outward show, the
religion of the Monarch, believing that to make or
secure their fortune they might conceal their true belief,
and that it sufficed for them to cherish it in their hearts.

As for the Kingdom of Golconda, Kutab Shah,
who reigns at present, maintains with great zeal the
law of the Skias, and as the nobles of his Court are
nearly all Persians, they observe the customs of the
sect of the Shias with the same strictness and the
same freedom from restraint as in Persia.

I have elsewhere remarked that of the native
Muhammadan subjects of the Great Mogul there are
but few in positions of command ; this is the cause
why many Persians, oppressed by want, or ambitious of
better fortune than that which they can hope for in
1 M. Thevenot states that about the year 1665 some believed that
there were 2 5,000 families of Christians in Agra, but all were not agreed
as to this estimate {Voyage des Indes, p. 102). Colonel Sleeman, who
refers to this, adds that he himself came upon a colony of 2000 in the year
1814 in Betiah in Tirhut [Rambles and Recollections, etc., 1 844, p. 15).

chap, i AURANGZEB'S RELIGION 177

their own country, go to seek for it in India. Being
clever they are successful in finding means to advance
themselves in (the profession of) arms, so that in the
Empire of the Great Mogul, as well as in the
Kingdoms of Golconda and Bijapur, the Persians are
in possession of the highest posts.

Aurangzeb, especially, shows great zeal for the
Sunni sect, of which he is so faithful a follower that
he surpasses all his predecessors in external observa-
tion of the law, which has been the veil by means of
which he has concealed his usurpation of the kingdom.
When he took possession of the throne he proclaimed
that it was with the design of insisting upon the law of
Muhammad being observed in all its strictness, as it
had been relaxed during the reigns of Shah Jahàn
his father and Jahàngir his grandfather. To show
himself still more zealous for the law he became a
Dervish or Fakir, i.e. a professional beggar, and under
this false mantle of piety made his way cleverly to the
Empire. Although he had, as I have said, numerous
Persians in his service, he did not allow them -to
celebrate the festival of Hosen and Hosain,1 sons
of Ali, who were killed by the Sunnis, as I have
mentioned in my accounts of Persia ; and they them-
selves, to please the King and advance their own
fortunes, made no scruple about conforming themselves
externally to the cult and customs of the Sunnis.

1 Hosen and Heussin in the original.

VOL. II N

CHAPTER II

Concerning Fakirs or Muhammadan beggars in the

East Indies.

It is estimated that there are in India 800,000 Muham-
madan Fakirs, and 1,200,000 among the idolaters,
which is an enormous number. They are all vaga-
bonds and idlers, who blind the eyes of the people by
a false zeal, and lead them to believe that all that
escapes from their own mouths is oracular.

There are different kinds of these Muhammadan
Fakirs ; some are almost naked, like the Fakirs of
the idolaters, who have no regular dwellings, and
abandon themselves to all kinds of impurity without
any shame. They persuade simple souls that they
possess a privilege to do all kinds of evil without sin.

There are other Fakirs who are clad in garments
of so many pieces of different colours that one is
unable to say what they are. These robes extend
half way down their legs and conceal the miserable
rags which are beneath. These Fakirs generally travel
in company, and have a chief or superior over them
who is distinguished by his garment, which is poorer
and made up of more pieces than those of the others.
He, moreover, drags a heavy iron chain which he has
attached to one leg; it is 2 cubits long and thick in

chap, ii FAKIRS OR DERVISHES 179

proportion. When he prays it is with great noise,
which he makes with this chain and a loud voice ; this
is accompanied by an affected gravity, which attracts the
veneration of the people. However, the people bring
him and his followers food to eat, which they serve
him in the place where he stops, generally some street
or public place. He has carpets spread by his disciples,
and seats himself on them in order to give audience to
those who wish to consult him. On the other hand,
his disciples proclaim throughout the country the great
virtues of their master and the favours which he
receives from God, who reveals to him the most
important secrets, and confers upon him the power to
aid afflicted persons with good advice. The people
give him easy credence, and regard him as a holy man,
and come to him with great devotion, and when one of
them approaches close to him, he takes the shoes from
off his feet and prostrates himself before the Fakir in
order to kiss his feet. Then the Fakir, in order to
appear humble, extends his arm and gives his hand to
be kissed, after which he makes those who come to
consult him, sit near him, and he listens to each in turn.
He boasts of possessing a prophetic spirit, especially
for indicating to women who are sterile the way in
which they may obtain children, and how to constrain
any one they wish to manifest love for them.

There are Fakirs who have more than 200
disciples, whom they assemble by the sound of
the drum and a horn similar to the horns of our
huntsmen. When marching, the disciples carry their
standard, lances, and other arms, which they stick in
the ground near their master when he halts to rest
anywhere.

180 TRAVELS IN INDIA book iii

The third kind of these Fakirs of the East Indies
consists of those who, being born of poor parents, and
wishing to know the law thoroughly, in order to become
Mullds or doctors, take up their abode in mosques, where
they live on whatever charity is bestowed upon them.
They occupy their time in reading the Koran, which
they learn by heart, and when they are able to add to
this study some little knowledge of natural things, with
the example of a good life, according to their ideas,
they become heads of mosques, and reach the dignity
of Mullds and judges of the law. These Fakirs have
wives, and some, through piety and the great desire
they have to imitate Muhammad, have three or four of
them, believing that thereby they do God a great
service, by being fathers of many children who will
follow the law of their Prophet.

CHAPTER III

Of the Religion of the Gentiles or Idolaters of I ndia.

The idolaters of India are so numerous that for one
Muhammadan there are five or six Gentiles. It is
astonishing to see how this enormous multitude of men
has allowed itself to be subjected by so small a number
of persons, and has bent readily under the yoke of the
Muhammadan Princes. But the astonishment ceases
when one considers that these idolaters have no
union among themselves, and that superstition has
introduced so strange a diversity of opinions and
customs that they never agree with one another.1
An idolater will not eat bread nor drink water in a
house belonging to any one of a different caste from
his own, unless it is more noble and more exalted
than his own ; thus they can all eat and drink in
the houses of the Brahmins? which are open to all the
world. A caste is, so to speak, among these idolaters
that which formerly a tribe was among the Jews, and

1 This has ever been the strength of those who have conquered
India.

2 Bramines in the original. Brahmins' houses are certainly not
now open to all the world, the very reverse is the case. The accuracy
of this statement, even in Tavernier's time, may be doubted. True as
it is that a man of lower caste may eat from the hand of a Brahmin, a
Brahmin has, himself, to guard against defilement by contact with men
of lower caste.

182 TRAVELS IN INDIA book hi

although it is commonly believed that there are seventy-
two of these castes, I have ascertained from the most
accomplished of their priests that they are able to
reduce them to four principal (castes), from which all
others derive their origin.

The first caste is that of the Brahmins, who are the
successors of the ancient Brachmanes or philosophers
of India, who specially studied astrology. There are
still to be found their ancient books, in the reading
of which the Brahmins generally occupy themselves,
and they are so skilled in their observations that they
do not make a mistake of a minute in foretelling the
eclipses of the sun and moon. And in order that they
may preserve this science among them, they have a kind
of university in a town called Benares,1 where they
principally study astrology, and where they also have
doctors who teach the law, which is followed with very
great strictness. This caste is the most noble of all,
because it is from among the Brahmins that the priests
and ministers of the law are selected. But as they are
very numerous and cannot all study in their university,
the majority are ignorant and consequently very super-
stitious, those among them who pass as the most intel-
lectual being the most arrant sorcerers.

The second caste is that of the Rajputs or Ketris,
i.e. warriors and soldiers. These are the only idolaters
who are brave, and distinguish themselves in the pro-
fession of arms. All the Rajas, of whom I have often
spoken, are of this caste. They are like so many
petty kings, whose disunion has made them tributaries
to the Great Mogul ; but as the majority are in his
service, they are highly recompensed for the small

1 Benares in the original, elsewhere written Benarow or Banarous.

chap, in BANIANS 183

tribute which they pay him by the large and honour-
able salaries which they receive from him. These
Rajas, and the Rajputs their subjects, are the most
firm supports of the Great Mogul's kingdom ; and it
was the Rajas JAisingh and Jeswantsingh who placed
Aurangzeb on the throne. But it should be remarked
that this second caste does not altogether consist of
people who follow arms (as a profession). It is the
Rajputs, alone, who go to war, and who are all cavaliers ;
but as for the Ketris they have degenerated from the
bravery of their ancestors, and have quitted arms for
merchandise.

The third caste is that of the Banians? who
attach themselves to trade, some being Shroffs, i.e.
money-changers or bankers, and the others brokers,
by whose agency the merchants buy and sell. The
members of this caste are so subtle and skilful in trade
that, as I have elsewhere said,2 they could give lessons
to the most cunning Jews. They accustom their
children at an early age to shun slothfulness, and
instead of letting them go into the streets to lose
their time at play, as we generally allow ours, teach
them arithmetic, which they learn perfectly, using for

1 Tavernier spells this word Baniane, which has been altered in the
text to Banian. It is otherwise, and perhaps more properly, spelt
Banyan. It signifies a trader or merchant, especially in Gujarat. In
Calcutta it is a title still used for the native brokers attached to houses
of business. It is derived from Vdmya (Gujarâti Vâniyo), and that
from the Sanskrit Vânij, a trader. Our author's testimony as to the
astuteness of the men of this caste is borne out by many authors, not-
ably P. F. Vincenzo de Maria, who says to make one it takes three
Chinese, and three Hebrews to make a Chinese, therefore a Banian
ought to possess the subtlety of nine Jews. (See " Banyan " in Yule
and BurnelPs Anglo-Indian Glossary, p. 48.)

2 See Book I, chap, ii, p. 29.

184 TRAVELS IN INDIA book hi

it neither pen nor counters, but the memory alone, so
that in a moment they will do a sum, however difficult
it may be. They are always with their fathers, who
instruct them in trade, and do nothing without explain-
ing it to them at the same time. These are the figures
which they use in their books, both in the Empire of
the Great Mogul, as well as in other parts of India,1
although the language may be different. If any one
gets in a rage with them they listen with patience,
without replying anything, and they withdraw coldly,
not returning to see him for four or five days, when
they believe his rage to be over. They never eat any-
thing which has had sentient life, and they would
rather die than slay the least animal, not even except-
ing an insect or vermin, being in this respect very
zealous observers of their law. It is sufficient to add
that they never strike one another, and that they
never go to war, and cannot eat or drink in the houses
of the Rajputs, because they slay animals and eat
meat, with the exception of that of the cow, which is
never eaten.

The fourth caste is called Charados or Soudra.2
Like that of the Rajputs, it occupies itself with war ;
but with this difference, that the Rajputs serve on
horse, and the Sudras on foot. Both glory in dying
in battle, and a soldier, whether of the cavalry or foot,
is esteemed for ever infamous if, in the moment of
combat, he runs away. It is an eternal disgrace in his
family, and in this connection I shall relate a story
which was told me in the country. A soldier who
loved his wife passionately, and by whom he was

1 These figures are not reproduced here.
2 More properly Sudras, from the Sanskrit Sudr.

chap, in PHANSIGARS? 185

equally beloved in return, fled from combat, not out
of fear of death, but simply on account of his wife's
sorrow should she find herself a widow. When she
heard the cause of his flight, as she saw him approach
the house she closed the door, and told him she was
unable to recognise as a husband a man who had pre-
ferred the love of a woman to honour ; that she did
not wish to see him any more, in order not to leave a
blot on the reputation of her family, and to teach her
children to have more courage than their father. This
woman remained firm in her resolution. The hus-
band, to regain his reputation and his love, returned
to the army, where he performed noble actions which
redounded to his credit, and having splendidly repaired
his fault, the door of his house was opened to him, and
his wife received him with pleasure.1

The remainder of the people, who do not belong
to either of these four castes, are called Pauzecour?
They all occupy themselves with mechanical arts, and
do not differ from one another except by the different
trades which they follow from father to son ; so that a
tailor, although he may be rich, is unable to push his
children, except in his own calling, nor to marry them,
be it a son or a daughter, to others than those of his
trade. So also when a tailor dies all those of his
calling go to the place where his body is burnt,

1 Sleeman tells a similar story about Jeswantsingh, who was so
treated by his wife on his return from the battle of the 17th April 1658.
(Rambles and Recollections ', vol. i.)

2 Pauzecour^ as here used, appears to be a synonym of Pariah^ a
name applied to people of the lowest caste of Hindus in Southern
India. It is pointed out in the Anglo-Indian Glossary that the Pariahs
are not outcasts, as is commonly supposed. Possibly, however, the
word Ta vernier got hold of was Phânsigâr, a synonym for Thug; if so,
he defines it incorrectly.

186 TRAVELS IN INDIA book hi

and the same custom is observed among all the other
artisans.

Among the particular castes there is one that is
called HaldFkhors,1 who only engage in cleaning
houses, each house paying them something monthly,
according to its size. If a man of quality in India,
whether a Muhammadan or an idolater, has fifty
servants, not one of them will be willing to use a
broom to clean the house, for he would consider him-
self contaminated by it, and one of the greatest insults
that one can do to a man in India is to call him
HaldFkhor. It is proper to remark here that each of
these servants having his own special duty, the one to
carry the vessel of water for drinking by the* way,
another to have the pipe of tobacco ready — if the
master asks one to perform the service for which the
other is employed, that service will not be performed,
and the servant remains as though he were immovable.
As for slaves, they have to do whatever their master
orders them. As this caste of Haldrkkors is only
occupied in removing the refuse from houses, it gets the
remains of what the others eat, of whatever caste they
may be, and it does not make any scruple about eating
indifferently of all things. It is the people belong-
ing to this caste, alone, who make use of asses, to
carry the sweepings from the houses to the fields ;
while all other Indians will not touch this animal. It
is otherwise in Persia, where asses are used both for
baggage and for riding. It is also the Halâlkhors in
India who alone feed pigs and use them for food.

1 Alacors in the original. The name HaldVkhor signifies an eater of
lawful food, euphemistically applied to the Sweepers, to whom all things
are lawful. (Yule-Burnell, Anglo-Indian Glossary.)

CHAPTER IV
Concerning the idolatrous Kings and Princes of Asia.

It is necessary to place in the front rank of the
idolatrous Kings of Asia, the King of Arakan, the
King of Pegu, the King of Siam, the King of Cochin-
china, the King of Tonquin, and, as for the King of
China, we know that he was an idolater before the
irruption of the Tartars into his territories ; but since
that time one can say nothing certain about him,
because these Tartars, who are now the masters of
the country, are neither idolaters nor Muhammadans,
being, rather, both combined. In the principal islands,
firstly, the King of Japan, next the King of Ceylon,
and some small Kings of the islands of the Moluccas,
and, finally, all the Rajas, both of the Empire of the
Great Mogul and of the neighbourhoods of the
Kingdoms of Bijapur and Golconda, are all idolaters.
In general, all the common people, whether in the
territories subject to the Great Mogul, or the Kings
of Golconda and Bijapur, and the islands of Achin,
Java, and Macassar, the Kings of which, as I have
elsewhere said, are Muhammadans, — all the common
people, I say, of these countries are idolaters.

I have stated that the King of Ceylon is an
idolater, and it is true. But it is true also that about

I

l s

1

188 TRAVELS IN INDIA book hi

fifty years ago a King of Ceylon became a Christian,
and received at his baptism the name of Jean, having
been previously called the Emperor Priapender.1 As
soon as he embraced Christianity, the Princes and
priests of the country established another King in his
stead. He did what he could to induce all his people
to imitate him, and for this purpose assigned to the
Jesuit Fathers twelve of the largest villages which
were around Colombo, so that from the revenue of
these places they might support the children of the
country in colleges, where, being well instructed, they
would afterwards be able to teach others. For the
King represented to these Fathers that it was im-
possible for them to learn the language of the country
well enough to preach to the people, and in effect they
found that the youth of Ceylon were so quick and
intelligent that they learnt, in six months, more Latin,
philosophy and other sciences, than Europeans acquire
in a year, and they questioned the Fathers with such
subtlety, and so deeply, that they were amazed.

Some years after the King had become a Christian,
a very accomplished man and good native philosopher,
named Alegamma Motiar,2 as one might say master
of the philosophers, after having conversed some time
with the Jesuit Fathers and other priests at Colombo,
was inspired to become a Christian. With this object

1 Although the period of his reign was somewhat more remote than
Tavemier states, it seems probable that this Emperor Priapender was
Don Juan Dharmdpdla, who was raised to the throne in 1542 by the
Portuguese, and reigned thirty-nine years. He was baptized by Wilponte
Alphonso Perera, who went to Ceylon from Goa for the purpose. A
number of his chiefs and people also became Christians at the same time.
He was opposed throughout his reign by R.1J3 Singhd, who ultimately
superseded him (Forbes, Eleven Years in Ceylon, vol. ii, p. 3 1 5).

3 For Afudaliyar, a Cingalese title. I cannot identify Alegamma.

chap, iv A CHRISTIAN CONVERT 189

he went to see the Jesuit Fathers, and told them that
he desired to be instructed in the Christian faith, but
he inquired what Jesus Christ had done and left in
writing. He set himself then to read the New Testa-
ment with so much attention and ardour that in less
than six months there was not a passage which he
could not recite, for he had acquired Latin very
thoroughly. After having been well instructed, he
told the Fathers that he wished to receive holy baptism,
that he saw that their religion was the only good and
true one, and such as Jesus Christ had taught, but
what astonished him was, that they did not follow
Christ's example, because, according to the Gospel, he
never took money from any one, while they on
the contrary took it from every one, and neither
baptized nor buried any one without it. This did not
prevent him from being baptized, and from working
for the conversion of the idolaters afterwards.

Such is the present condition of the idolaters
throughout Asia. I come now to those of India in
detail and to their gross errors, after which I shall
speak of their customs and of the penances of their
Fakirs.

CHAPTER V

Concerning the belief of tJie Idolaters witft respect to

the Deity

The idolaters of India yield to creatures as the cow,
the ape, and different monsters, the honours which
are only due to the true Deity, although it is certain
that they acknowledge one infinite God, all-powerful
and all-wise, Creator of the heavens and the earth, who
is omnipresent. They call him in some places Per-
messer, in others Peremael,1 as, for example, towards
the coast of Malabar; and Vvistnou 2 in the language
of the Brahmins who inhabit the coast of Coromandel.
As the idolaters have perhaps heard that the circle is
the most perfect of all figures, they have thought to
improve upon it by saying God is of an oval figure, and
it is for this reason that they generally keep in their
pagodas an oval pebble, which they obtain from the
Ganges,3 and adore as god. They are so strongly fixed

1 Parameswara or Bramha, the one true and omnipotent God, to
whom, as Ward remarks, there is not a single temple in the whole of
India. Educated Hindus maintain, however, that although they may
select special gods as the objects of their homage, their worship is ad-
dressed really to the Supreme Deity ; of uneducated Hindus the same
can scarcely be said.

2 Vishnu, the preserver, one of the Hindu triad. He is represented
as a black man with four arms — one hand holds a club, another a shell,
the third a chukra (or metal quoit), and the fourth the lotus.

3 This is the so-called saligram stone. The Sone river supplies

chap, v RAMA 191

in this foolish idea that the wisest among the Brahmins
will not listen to any argument against it, and thus it
is not to be wondered at if a people who have such
evil guides fall into this gross and monstrous idolatry.
There is a caste so superstitious about this, that those
who belong to it keep these oval stones suspended
from their necks, and press them against their bodies
while they pray.

In this gross and pitiable ignorance the idolaters,
like the ancient pagans, regard their gods as men, and
even bestow wives upon them, thinking that they love
the same things as those in which men take pleasure.
Thus they regard their Ràmà as a great deity on
account of the wonders which they believe that he
performed during his life. The following are the
fables which they relate regarding him, as I have
learnt from the most accomplished among their
Brahmins : —

Ràmâ was the son of a powerful Raja, who called
himself Deseret,1 and the most virtuous of many
children which he had by two legitimate wives. He
was particularly beloved by his father, who had destined
him to be his successor. The mother of Ràmà having

some which are, I believe, silicious pebbles derived from the basalt ;
others are obtained from the Himalayas, and these are said to include
fossils, ammonites. The saligram is connected with the worship of
Vishnu, but it may be worshipped as representing for the time being
any god. According to Ward {History of the Hindus, chap, xvi) the
saligram is black, hollow, and nearly round, and is obtained from
Gundukee (? a sulphur spring) in Nepal. As much as 2000 rupees was
given for one of the first class. Vast sums of money are expended on
the festivities connected with the marriage of the saligram to the lu/si
plant {Oceymum sanctum). (See Sleeman, Rambles and Recollections,
vol. i, p. 158.)

1 Ràmà, son of Das'aratha, King of Ajodhya. What follows is a
tolerably correct version of the Râmâyana.

192 TRAVELS IN INDIA book hi

died, the other wife of the Raja, who possessed
entire control over her husband, induced him to drive
Râmâ and his brother Lakshmàn1 from his house
and territories ; this was done, and by the exclusion
of these two brothers, the son of this other wife was
declared to be heir to the Raja. Ràmà and his brother
having then received an order to depart, obeyed the
command of their father, and as they were about to
leave, Ràmà went to bid farewell to his wife Sità,
whom these idolaters regard as a goddess. She was un-
willing to part from him, and protested that she would
follow him everywhere, and so they all three left the
house of the Raja, to seek their fortunes. They were
unlucky at first, for while passing through a forest, Ràmà
having gone in pursuit of a bird, where he remained a
long time, Sità, fearing that some disaster had happened
to her husband, by force of her entreaties obliged
Lakshmàn to go in search of him. He strongly
objected, Ràmà having told him not to leave Sità,
having foreseen by a spirit of prophecy what would
happen if she remained alone. Nevertheless Laksh-
màn, moved by the earnest prayers of his sister-in-law,
went to seek for Ràmà his brother. In the mean-
time Ràvana,2 another god of the idolaters, appeared
to Sità in the garb of a Fakir and asked alms of her.
Ràmà had told Sità not to go outside the place where
he had left her, — this being well known to Ràvana he
refused to receive the alms which Sità offered him
unless she moved from her position. Sità, either by
mistake or forgetting the command of Ràmà, passed
beyond the limits which he had indicated, and then

1 Lokeman in the original.

2 Rhevan in the original.

chap, v THE RAMAYANA 193

Ràvana seized her and took her into the depths of the
forest where his followers awaited him, with whom he
departed to his territories. When Ràmà returned
from the chase, not finding Sità, he fell senseless from
grief, but Lakshmàn his brother having brought him
round, they went together to search for Sità, who was
tenderly beloved by her husband.

When the Brahmins recount this ravishment of their
goddess Sità they do so with tears and demonstrations
of excessive grief, and they add to the story a multi-
tude of ridiculous fables, extolling the great bravery
of Ràmà in the pursuit of the ravisher of Sità. All
the animals were employed in order to discover her,
among which the monkey Hanumàn,1 alone had the
good fortune to be successful. He crossed the sea
with a bound, and arrived in the gardens of Ràvana,
where he found Sità in the deepest affliction, and she
was much surprised on beholding a monkey, who
spoke on behalf of her husband. At first she was not
willing to give credence to what was said to her by
such an ambassador, but the monkey in order to
authenticate his mission handed her a ring which her
husband had given her, but which she had left in
her baggage. She had much difficulty in believing
such a miracle, and that Ràmà her husband had been
able to make a beast speak to give her news of him,
and such certain indications of his love. The monkey
Hanumàn did wonders at this interview, and having
been recognised as a spy by the servants of Ràvana,
who wished to burn him, he made use of the fire which
they had prepared for him to kindle the palace of
Ràvana, which was consumed almost entirely, by

1 Herman in the original.
VOL. II O

194 TRAVELS IN INDIA book hi

means of the rags which they tied to his tail and
body and set on fire. He threw himself immediately
among the straw and other combustible matter, which
caused a great conflagration in the palace. The
monkey realising that he would not escape the hands
of RAvana if he again fell into them, promptly retook
the same road as that by which he had come, and
having bathed himself in the sea, which he recrossed
at a single bound, he went to give RAmA an account
of his adventures, and told him of the affliction in
which he had found SitA, who was in despair at
finding herself so far removed from her husband.
RAmA, touched by the affection of his wife, resolved to
deliver her from the hands of RAvana at whatever
cost it might be. This was accomplished, the same
monkey serving him as guide, and with the aid of
some forces which RAmA had collected from different
places. With much difficulty he approached the palace
of RAvana, which was still smoking, so great had
been the fire ; and the subjects of this Prince having
been dispersed in divers places, it was easy for
RAmA to again see his beloved SitA, whom RAvana
abandoned and fled in fear to the mountains. RAmA
and SitA experienced infinite joy at seeing one
another again, and did much honour to the monkey
HanumAn, who had rendered them so great a
service.

As for RAvana, he passed the remainder of his
days as a poor Fakir, his country being altogether
ruined by the troops of RAmA, who avenged the injury
he had received, and it is from this RAvana that
this incredible number of Fakirs, whom one sees
in peregrination throughout India, have taken their

chap, v FAKIRS 195

origin. These Fakirs lead a life of such austerity
that their penances amount to prodigies, and I have
had the curiosity to collect several pictures of them,
some of which I shall show to the reader in the follow-
ing chapter.

CHAPTER VI

Concerning Fakirs, or the professional Mendicants of

India, and their penances.

The Fakirs, as I have just said, take their origin from
Ràvana, whom Ràmà despoiled of his kingdom, who
on that account felt so much annoyance that he re-
solved to wander like a vagabond throughout the
world, poor and bereft of all property, and likewise
completely nude. He at once found many people who
followed him in this kind of life, which afforded them
all kinds of liberty. For being reverenced as saints,
they had abundant opportunities of doing whatsoever
evil they wished.

These Fakirs ordinarily travel in troops, each of
which has its Chief or Superior. As they go perfectly
nude, winter and summer, always lying on the grpund,
and since it is sometimes cold, the young Fakirs and
other idolaters who have most devotion, go in the
afternoon to search for the droppings of cows and
other animals, which are dried by the sun, with which
they kindle fires. They seldom use wood through
fear lest it may contain some living animal which
would be killed — that which is used to burn the
dead is a kind of drift-wood which does not engender
worms. These young Fakirs, having collected a

chap, vi FAKIRS 197

quantity of these droppings mingled with dry earth,
make many large fires according to the size of the
troop, and ten or twelve Fakirs seat themselves around
each fire. When sleep overtakes them, they allow
themselves to fall on the ground, upon which they
spread ashes to serve as a mattress, and they have
only the heavens for a covering. As for those who
perform the penances, of which I shall presently speak,
when they lie during the night in the same position
as one sees them during the day, fires are kindled
for them on each side, without which they would be
unable to withstand the cold ; this will be seen at the
end of this chapter in the illustrations which I give
of the penances. Wealthy idolaters consider them-
selves happy, and believe that their houses receive the
blessings of heaven, when they have as guests some
of these Fakirs, whom they honour in proportion to
their austerity ; and the glory of a troop is to have
some one in it who performs a notable penance, like
those of which I shall hereafter speak.

These troops of Fakirs join together in numbers
to go on pilgrimage to the principal pagodas, and to
the public bathings which are held on certain days
of the year, both in the river Ganges, which they
specially esteem, as also in that which separates the
territories of the Portuguese at Goa from those of the
King of Bijapur.1 Some of the most austere Fakirs
dwell in miserable huts near their pagodas, where they
are given food, for the love of God, once in every
twenty-four hours.

The tree, of which a picture will be seen at the

1 This, I suppose, means the Kistnâ, though I believe the authority
of Portugal did not extend so far to the east and north-east.

198 TRAVELS IN INDIA book hi

end of this chapter, is of the same kind as that near
Gombroon, and I have given a description of it also
in the accounts of Persia.1 The Franks call it the
tree of the Banians, because, in places where there
are any of these trees, the idolaters sit under them and
cook their food there. They reverence them specially,
and generally build their pagodas either under or close
to one of these great trees. The one which the reader
will see depicted further on is at Surat, and in its trunk,
which is hollow, a monster is represented like the head
of a deformed woman, which is said to be the represen-
tation of the first woman, whom they call Mamaniva.*
Every day a large number of idolaters assemble there
to adore this monster, near to which there is constantly
some Brahmin detailed for its service, and to receive
the offerings made to it of rice, millet, and other grains.
On all those who have prayed in the pagoda, both men
and women, the Brahmin makes a mark on the middle
of the forehead with a kind of vermilion, with which
the idol is also painted. With this mark on them they
do not fear that the devil will injure them, because

1 Namely the Banyan, Ficus Indica, Linn. The reference is to
Book V, chap, xxiii, of the Persian Travels.

Another example with its numerous stems is the famous Kabir bar
on an island in the Narbadâ 1 2 miles above Broach. At one time it
covered an area of 2000 feet in circumference, and had upwards of
3250 separate stems. It has afforded shelter to 7000 men at a time,
but is now much reduced in size. The particular tree at Gombroon
referred to by our author is also mentioned by Mandelslo, Valentjin, and
Delia Valle. The Persian name for the tree is lui.

This is a distinct species from the famous Bo tree {F. religiosa) of
Ceylon, one of which, having a known history, recorded in full detail by
Sir Emerson Tennent (Ceylon, vol. ii, p. 613), was planted B.C. 288.

2 This is a corrupt form of one of the names of Durga, the wife of
Shiva, perhaps Muhishu-murdinee. (See Ward, History of the Hindoos,
vol. i, p. 129.)

chap, vi FAKIRS 199

they are, as they say, under the protection of their
God.

I give here the explanation of the figures repre-
sented under the tree of the Banians, marked by the
numbers i, 2, 3, etc.1

1. Is the place where the Brahmins dress up a
representation of some one of their idols, as Mamaniva,
Sità, Madedina,2 and other similar ones which are
very numerous.

2. Is the figure of Mamaniva which is in the
pagoda.

3. Is another pagoda close to the preceding. It
has a cow at the door, and inside a representation of
the god RAmA.

4. Is another pagoda, where Fakirs betake them-
selves for penance.

5. Is a fourth pagoda dedicated to RAmA.

6. Is the form of a grave, where several times
during the year a Fakir withdraws, where he gets no
light except through a very small hole. He sometimes
remains there nine or ten days without drinking or
eating, according to his devotion — a thing which I
could not easily have believed if I had not seen it.
Curiosity led me to go to see this penitent in company
with the Dutch Commander of Surat, who ordered a
watch to be set in order to see whether he did not
receive anything to eat by day or night. The watch
were unable to discover that he received any nourish-
ment, and he remained seated like our tailors without
changing his position either by day or night. He

1 This plate has not been reproduced, being rudely drawn and of
no great interest or importance.

2 Mahâdeva Î another name for Shiva.

200 TRAVELS IN INDIA book hi

whom I saw was not able to remain more than seven
days out of the ten which he had vowed to spend,
because the heat stifled him on account of the lamp in
the grave.1 The other kinds of penance, of which I
am about to speak, would still further exceed human
belief if thousands of men were not witnesses of
them.

7. Is the position of a penitent who has passed
many years without ever lying down either by day or
night. When he wishes to sleep he leans on a sus-
pended cord, and in that position, which is very
strange and inconvenient, the humours descend to the
legs, which become thereby swollen.

8. These are the positions of two penitents who,
till death, keep their arms elevated in the air, so that
the joints become so stiff that they are never able to
lower them again. Their hair grows down below the
waist, and their nails equal their fingers in length.
Night and day, winter and summer, they remain quite
naked in this position, exposed to the rain and heat,
and to the stings of mosquitoes, without being able to
use their hands to drive them away. With regard to
the other necessities of life, as drinking and eating,
they have Fakirs in their company who wait on them
as required.

9. Is the position of another penitent, who stands

1 Ibn Batuta speaks of Jogis who used to allow themselves to be
buried for months, or even for a twelvemonth together, and were afterwards
revived, upon which Col. Yule remarks, " This art, or the profession of
it, is not yet extinct in India." A very curious account of one of its pro-
fessors will be found in a Personal Narrative of a Tour through the
States of Rajwara (Calcutta, 1837, pp. 41-44), by Major- General A.
H. E. Boileau. (See Cathay and the Way thither •, p. 413.) (See
Post, chap, x.)

chap, vi FAKIRS 201

for several hours daily on one foot, holding in his
hands a chafing-dish full of fire, upon which he throws
the incense which he offers to his god, having his eyes
at the same time turned towards the sun.

10 and ii. These are the postures of two other
penitents, seated, who have their hands elevated in
the air.

12. Is the position in which the penitents sleep
without ever lowering their arms ; this without doubt
is one of the greatest torments which the human body
can suffer.

13. Is the position of another penitent, whose
weakness has caused his hands to fall behind his
back, not being able to lower his arms, which are
dried up from lack of nutrition.

There are an infinity of other penitents, some of
whom assume positions altogether contrary to the
natural attitude of the human body, having their eyes
always turned to the sun ; others who have their eyes
directed to the ground, without ever looking at any
one in the face, nor saying a single word; and the
diversity is so great that it would be sufficient to form
the subject of a long discourse.

In order to give more satisfaction to the curious,
and to enable them to understand matters more dis-
tinctly, I shall add here other pictures of these same
penitents, which I have had drawn, on the spot, after
nature. Modesty has compelled me to conceal the
parts which they have no shame about exposing to
view, for at all times, both in the country and in the
towns, they go about altogether as naked as they
came out of their mothers' wombs ; and although the
women approach them out of devotion in order to

202 TRAVELS IN INDIA book m

do what cannot be named for shame, you do not
see in them any sign of sensuality ; but on the con-
trary, without regarding any one, and rolling the
eyes terribly, you would say they are absorbed in
abstraction.

CHAPTER VII

Concerning the belief of the Idolaters touching the
condition of the soul of man after death.

It is one of the articles of the belief of the idolaters
that the souls of men on leaving their bodies after death
are presented to God, who, according to the life the
owners have led, allots them other bodies to inhabit, so
that the same person is several times reborn into the
world. And of men of evil life, degraded in their
habits and plunged in all kinds of vices, God sends the
souls, after being separated from the bodies, into the
bodies of inferior animals, such as asses, dogs, cats, and
others, in order that they may perform penance for
their crimes in these infamous prisons. But it is
believed that the souls which enter the bodies of cows
are supremely happy, because these animals are
regarded as divinities. If a man dies with a cows
tail in his hand, that will suffice, it is said, to render
him altogether happy in a future life.

As the idolaters believe in this passage of human
souls into the bodies of animals, they abhor the
slaughter of any animal, of whatsoever kind it may be,
through fear of being guilty of the death of some one
of their relations or friends who may be doing penance
in one of these bodies.

204 TRAVELS IN INDIA book in

If these men, during their lives, perform virtuous
actions, such as pilgrimages and the giving of alms,
they hold that after death their souls pass into the
bodies of some powerful Rajas or other rich persons,
who enjoy the pleasures of life as a reward for the
good deeds they had done in other bodies.

This is the reason why the Fakirs, of whom I have
spoken in the preceding chapter, perform such horrible
penances ; and as all men are not able to bring them-
selves to suffer so much in this world, they seek during
their lives to make up by good works for the want of
these penances, and further direct their inheritors by
their wills to give alms to the Brahmins, to the end
that, by the power of the prayers which they cause
them to say, God may assign them the body of some
grand personage. In the month of January of the
year 1661 the Shroff or money-changer of the Dutch
Company, named Mondas Parek, died at Surat. He
was a rich man and very charitable, having bestowed
much alms during his life on the Christians as well as
on the idolaters ; the Rev. Capuchin Fathers of Surat
living for a part of the year on the rice, butter, and
vegetables which he sent to them. This Banian was
only ill for four or five days, and in that time, as also
during eight or ten days after his death, his brothers
distributed 9000 or 10,000 rupees, and burnt his body,
adding to the ordinary wood much sandal and aloes,
believing that by this means the soul of their brother,
on passing into another body, would become a great
noble in some other country. There are some among
them who are foolish enough to bury their treasures
during their lifetime, as, for instance, nearly all the
rich men of the Kingdom of Assam, so that if they

chap, vu BURIED TREASURE 205

enter, after death, the body of any poor and miserable
mendicant, they can have recourse to the money which
they have buried in order to draw from it at necessity.
This is the reason why so much gold and silver and
so many precious stones are buried in India,1 and an
idolater must be poor indeed if he has no money buried
in the earth. I remember that I one day bought in
India, for 600 rupees, an agate cup 6 inches high and
of the size of one of our silver plates.2 The seller
assured me that more than forty years had elapsed since
it was buried in the earth, and that he preserved it to
serve his need after death, it being a matter of indiffer-
ence to him whether he buried the cup or the money.
On my last voyage I bought from one of these idolaters
sixty -two diamonds weighing about 6 grains apiece,
and on telling him of my astonishment at seeing so
fine a parcel, he replied that I need not be astonished,
seeing that it took nearly fifty years to accumulate
them for his wants after death ; but his affairs having
changed, and having need of money, he had been
obliged to dispose of them. These buried treasures
were one day of great service to the Raja Sivaji, who
took up arms against the Great Mogul and the King

1 The enormous absorption of gold by India and its disappearance,
is explained by many writers in the same way. Bernier, among others,
may be mentioned, but the subject is too extensive to be entered on
here. Quite recently about ^5,000,000 of horded treasure, including
precious stones, was taken from pits and wells sunk in the palace
zenâna at Gwalior.

2 This was probably of the kind known to the Romans as the Murr-
hine cups. The custom of roasting the agates to develop the colours
doubtless gave rise to the idea that the material was some form of
porcelain ; while the suggestion that they were made of fluor spar may
be rejected, as that mineral is not known in India, and there is no trace
of its ever having been imported or worked by the lapidaries of
Western India.

206 TRAVELS IN INDIA book hi

of Bijapur. This Raja having taken Callian Bondi,1
a small town of the Kingdom of Bijapur, by the advice
of the Brahmins, who assured him that he would find
a considerable amount of buried treasure, he ordered
it to be partly demolished, and found in fact great
riches, with which he supported his army, consisting
of more than 30,000 men. It is impossible to disabuse
these idolaters of their errors, because they will not
listen to reason, and they entirely subordinate their
own judgment to their ancient customs, the principal
of which is to burn the bodies of the deceased.

1 Probably Kulliâni, in District of same name, Long. 770, Lat. 170
53' 30", A. S. No. 57.

CHAPTER VIII

Concerning the idolaters custom of burning the bodies

of t lie deceased.

The custom among the Gentiles of burning bodies
after death is very ancient ; they generally burn them
on the banks of rivers, where they wash the bodies of
the deceased to complete the cleansing of those sins
from which they have not been purified during life.
This superstition goes to such extremes that very often
sick persons, when on the point of death, are carried to
the margin of a river or tank, and their feet are placed
in the water. According as nature fails the body is
pushed forwards, and at last it is held by the chin
only, so that at the moment when the spirit departs
and leaves the body, both the one and the other can be
purged of all defilement by plunging the body wholly
into the water, after which it is burned in the same
place, which is always close to some pagoda. There
are people who make it their business to collect wood,
and there is a fixed rate of payment for their trouble.
When an idolater is dead, all those ôf his caste or
tribe who are in the place assemble at the house of
the deceased, and the body having been placed on a
litter covered by some fine cloth, according to the
station of the defunct and the property which he has

208 TRAVELS IN INDIA book hi

*

left, they accompany it to the place where it is to be
burnt, following the litter, which is carried on the
shoulders of those appointed for that duty. They
always proceed chanting some prayers to their god,
and calling out Rant, Rant, and, while carrying the
body, there is some one who sounds a small bell to
give notice to the living to pray for the deceased.
The body having arrived at the margin of the river
or tank, it is plunged into the water, and afterwards
burnt. This is done in three different ways, as I
shall describe» in the following chapter. According
to the wealth of the deceased, there is mingled with
the ordinary wood which is collected for burning, more
or less sandal-wood or other scented wood.

But the idolaters not only burn dead bodies ; their
cruel superstition goes further, for they also burn the
bodies of the living. They make scruple about killing
a serpent, and even a bug, yet they regard it as a
highly meritorious action to cause a living woman to
be burnt in the fire together with the body of her
deceased husband.

CHAPTER IX

How the women burn themselves with the bodies of
their deceased husbands in India.

It is also an ancient custom among the idolaters of
India that on a man dying his widow can never
remarry ; as soon, therefore, as he is dead she with-
draws to weep for her husband, and some days after-
wards her hair is shaved off, and she despoils herself
of all the ornaments with which her person was
adorned, she removes from her arms and legs the
bracelets which her husband had given her, when
espousing her, as a sign that she was to be. submissive
and bound to him, and she remains for the rest of
her life without being of any consideration, and worse
than a slave, in the place where previously she was
mistress. This miserable condition causes her to
detest life, and prefer to ascend a funeral pile to be
consumed alive with the body of her defunct husband,
rather than be regarded for the remainder of her days
with opprobrium and infamy by all the world. Joined
to which the Brahmins induce the women to hope that
by dying in this way, with their husbands, they will live
again with them in some other part of the world with
more glory and more comfort than they have pre-
viously enjoyed. These are the two reasons which

VOL. II p

210 TRAVELS IN INDIA book hi

make these unhappy women resolve to burn them-
selves with the bodies of their husbands ; to which it
should be added that the priests buoy them up with the
hope that at the moment when they are in the fire,
before they yield up their souls, Râm will reveal wonder-
ful things to them, and that after the soul has passed
through several bodies it will attain to an exalted
degree of glory for all eternity.

But it should be remarked that a woman cannot
burn herself with the body of her husband without
having received permission from the Governor of the
place where she dwells, and those Governors who are
Muhammadans, hold this dreadful custom of self-de-
struction in horror, and do not readily give permission.
On thé other hand, it is only the women who become
widows, without children, who can be reproached for
not having loved their husbands if they have not had
courage to burn themselves after their death, and to
whom this want of courage will be for the remainder
of their lives a cause of reproach. For, as for the
widows who have children, they are not permitted
under any circumstances to burn themselves with the
bodies of their husbands; and very far from custom
obliging them, it is ordained that they shall live in
order to watch over the education of their children.
Those whom the Governors peremptorily refuse to
grant permission to burn themselves pass the re-
mainder of their lives in severe penances and in doing
charitable deeds. There are some who frequent the
great highways either to boil water with vegetables, in
order to give it as a drink to passers by, or to keep
fire always ready to light the pipes of those who desire
to smoke tobacco. There are others among them who

chap, ix THE BURNING OF WIDOWS 211

make a vow to eat nothing but what they find un-
digested in the droppings of oxen, cows, and buffaloes,1
and who do still more absurd things.

The Governor, seeing that all the remonstrances
he makes to these women, who are urged to burn
themselves even by their relatives and by the
Brahmins, are ineffectual to turn them from the
damnable resolution which they have taken to die in
so cruel a fashion, when his secretary indicates by a
sign that he has received a bribe, at length allows
them to do what they wish, and in a rage tells all the
idolaters who accompany them that they may "go to
the devil."

Immediately on this permission being obtained, all
the music commences to make itself heard, and with
the sound of drums, flutes, and other instruments of
that kind, all go to the house of the deceased, and
from thence, as I have said, accompany the body to
the margin of a river or tank, where it is to be burned.

All the relatives and friends of the widow who
desires to die after her husband, congratulate her
beforehand on the good fortune which she is about to
acquire in the other world, and on the glory which
all the members of the caste derive from her noble
resolution. She dresses herself as for her wedding-
day, and is conducted in triumph to the place where
she is to be burnt. A great noise is made with
the instruments of music and the voices of the women
who follow, singing hymns to the glory of the
unhappy one who is about to die. The Brahmins
accompanying her exhort her to show resolution and
courage, and many Europeans believe that in order to

1 This form of penance is, I believe, not extinct.

212 TRAVELS IN INDIA book hi

remove the fear of that death which man naturally ab-
hors, she is given some kind of drink that takes away
her senses and removes all apprehension which the
preparations for her death might give rise to.1 It is for
the interest of the Brahmins that these unhappy
women maintain the resolution they have taken to
burn themselves, for all the bracelets which they wear,
both on arms and legs, with their earrings and rings,
belong of right to these Brahmins, and they are
searched for in the ashes after the women are burnt.
According to the station and wealth of the women, the
bracelets, earrings, and rings are either of gold or
silver ; the poorest have them of copper and tin ; but
as for precious stones, they do not wear them at all
when going to be burnt.

I have seen women burnt in three different ways,
according to the customs of different countries. In the
Kingdom of Gujarat, and as far as Agra and Delhi,
this is how it takes place : On the margin of a river or
tank, a kind of small hut, about 1 2 feet square, is built
of reeds and all kinds of faggots, with which some
pots of oil and other drugs are placed in order to make
it burn quickly. The woman being seated in a half-
reclining position in the middle of the hut, her head
reposing on a kind of pillow of wood, and resting her
back against a post, to which she is tied by her waist
by one of the Brahmins, for fear lest she should
escape on feeling the flame. In this position she holds
the dead body of her husband on her knees, chew-
ing betel all the time ; and after having been about half

1 Preparations of bhang, or Indian hemp, used to be given for this
purpose, but in many cases the excitement alone, in all probability,
produced an insensibility to pain.

chap, ix THE BURNING OF WIDOWS 213

an hour in this condition, the Brahmin who has been
by her side in the hut goes outside, and she calls out to
the priests to apply the fire ; this the Brahmins, and the
relatives and friends of the woman who are present,
immediately do, throwing into the fire some pots of oil,
so that the woman may suffer less by being quickly
consumed. After the bodies have been reduced to
ashes, the Brahmins take whatever is found in the
way of melted gold, silver, tin, or copper, derived from
the bracelets, earrings, and rings which the woman
had on ; this belongs to them by right, as I have said.
In the Kingdom of Bengal women are burnt in
another manner. A woman in that country must be
very poor if she does not come with the body of her
husband to the margin of the Ganges in order to wash
it after he is dead, and to bathe herself before being
burnt. I have seen them come to the Ganges more
than twenty days' journey, the bodies being by that time
altogether putrid, and emitting an unbearable odour.
There was one of them who, coming from the north,
near the frontiers of the Kingdom of Bhutan, with the
body of her husband which she had conveyed in a car-
riage, travelled all the way on foot herself, without eating
for fifteen or sixteen days, till she arrived at the Ganges,
where after having washed the body of her husband,
which stank horribly, and having bathed herself also, she
had herself burnt with him with a determination which
surprised those who saw it. I was there at the time.
As throughout the length of the Ganges, and also in
all Bengal, there is but little fuel,1 these poor women
send to beg for wood out of charity to burn themselves

1 This remark is of interest as showing that the scarcity of fuel,
which is now so much felt, had already been experienced in these regions.

214 TRAVELS IN INDIA book hi

with the dead bodîes of their husbands. There is pre-
pared for them a funeral pile, which is like a kind of
bed, with its pillow of small wood and reeds, in which
pots of oil and other drugs are placed in order to
consume the body quickly. The woman who intends
to burn herself, preceded by some drums, flutes, and
hautboys, and dressed in her most beautiful orna-
ments, comes dancing to the funeral pile, and having
ascended it she places herself, half- lying, half- seated.
Then the body of her husband is laid across her, and
all the relatives and friends bring her, one a letter,
another a piece of cloth, this one flowers, that one
pieces of silver or copper, saying to her, give this from
me to my mother, or to my brother, or to some relative
or friend, whoever the dead person may be whom they
have most loved while alive. • When the woman sees
that they bring her nothing more, she asks those
present three times whether they have any more com-
missions for her, and if they do not reply she wraps
all they have brought in a taffeta, which she places
between her lap and the back of the body of her
defunct husband, calling upon the priests to apply
fire to the funeral pile. This the Brahmins and the
relatives do simultaneously. As there is, as I have
remarked, but little wood in the Kingdom of Bengal,
as soon as these miserable women are dead and half
burnt, their bodies are thrown into the Ganges with
those of their husbands, where they are eaten ' by the
crocodiles.

I should not forget here an evil custom which is
practised among the idolaters of the same Kingdom of
Bengal. When a woman is delivered, and the infant,
as often happens, is unwilling to take to its mothers

chap, ix THE BURNING OF WIDOWS 215

breast in order to suckle, it is carried outside the
village and placed in a cloth, which is tied by the four
corners to the branches of a tree, and is thus left from
morning to evening. In this way the poor infant is
exposed to the crows, which come to torment it, and
some have been found whose eyes have been torn out
of their heads, which is the reason why many idolaters
are seen in Bengal who have but one eye, and others
who have both injured or altogether gone. In the even-
ing the infant is taken to see whether it is willing to
suckle during the following night, and should it happen
that it still refuses the breast, it is taken back on the
following day to the same place ; this is done for three
days in sequence, after which, if the infant is altogether
unwilling to take the breast, in the belief that it is a
demon, it is cast into the Ganges, or into some other
river or tank which is closer at hand. In the places
where there are many monkeys these poor children are
not so exposed to the attacks of crows, for this reason,
that as soon as a monkey discovers a nest of these
birds he climbs the tree, and throws the nest on one
side and the eggs on the other. On the other hand,
there are among the English, Dutch, and Portuguese
charitable persons who, moved to compassion for the
misfortune of these infants, remove them when they
are thus exposed and hung in a tree, and take care to
have them brought up as I have one day seen an
example of at H ugly; this is done in the places near
their factories.

Let us see now what is the practice along the coast
of Coromandel when women are going to be burnt
with the bodies of their deceased husbands. A large
hole of 9 or 10 feet deep, and 25 or 30 feet square, is

à

216 TRAVELS IN INDIA book hi

dug, into which an abundance of wood is thrown,
with many drugs to make it burn fast. When this
hole is well heated, the body of the husband is
placed on the edge, and then his wife comes dancing,
and chewing betel, accompanied by all her relatives
and friends, and with the sound of drums and cymbals.
The woman then takes three turns round the hole,
and at each time she kisses all her relatives and
friends. When she completes the third turn the
Brahmins throw the body of the deceased into the fire,
and the woman, having her back turned to the hole, is
also pushed by the same Brahmins, and falls in back-
wards. Then all the relatives throw pots of oil and
other drugs of that kind, as I have said is elsewhere
done, so that the bodies may be the sooner consumed.
In the greater part of the same Coromandel coast the
woman does not burn herself with the body of her
deceased husband, but allows herself to be interred, while
alive, with him in a hole which the Brahmins dig in the
ground, about i foot deeper than the height of the man
or woman. They generally select a sandy spot, and
when they have placed the man and woman in this
hole, each of those who have accompanied them, having
filled a basket of sand, throw it on the bodies until the
hole is full and heaped over, half a foot higher than
the ground, after which they jump and dance upon it
till they conclude that the woman is smothered.1

When any of the idolaters of this Coromandel

1 Thevenot alludes to the custom of burying widows alive, but says
that when they were covered with clay up to the neck, they were
strangled by the Brahmins (Voyage, p. 253). Numerous other writers
also refer to the custom. As is the case with Suttee, this practice is
now extinct, but were the restraint removed it is most probable that
there would be reversion to both in some parts of India.

chap, ix FINES ON THE DEATH OF COWS 217

country are on the point of death, their friends do not
act like those elsewhere, who carry them to die at the
margin of a river or tank, so that their souls when
leaving the body may be cleansed of their impurity.
They simply carry them into the vicinity of the fattest
cow which they are able to find.1

• • • • . .

If a cow happens to be sick the owner must convey
it to the margin of a tank or river, for should it die in
his house the Brahmins inflict a fine upon him.2

1 The remainder of this passage has been omitted, as the ceremony
described is too disgusting for reproduction.

2 These fines, as described by Ward, were very heavy, sufficient in
some cases to cripple a man's resources for the remainder of his life.
(See History of the Hindoos.)

t

CHAPTER X

I Remarkable histories of several women who have been

\ burnt after the death of their husbands.

T

• Among several examples of this more than barbarous

» custom of the women of the idolaters of India of

i burning themselves with the corpses of their husbands,

! I will relate three remarkable cases, of two of which

? I was a witness.

The Raja of Vellore, of whom I have spoken in

the first book of this account of India,1 having at the

same time lost both this town and his life by the victory

: which the General of the King of Bijapur gained

\ over him, there was great mourning in all his Court.

t i Eleven of the women of his household were keenly

affected by his death, and all resolved to burn them-
selves when his body was burnt. The General of the
Bijapur army having heard of this resolve, thought
■ that he would be able to dissuade these desperate

women by flattering them, and by promising them all
kinds of good treatment. But seeing that that was of
no effect, and that they wished absolutely to be burnt
with the body of the deceased, he directed that they
should be kept shut up in a room. He who received
this order, on going to execute it, was told by these

1 Velou in the original (see vol. i, p. 161).

chap, x A TRAGIC SCENE AT COURT 219

infuriated women that it was in vain, that he might do
his best, but that it was useless to keep them prisoners,
and that if they were not allowed to do what they
wished, they had resolved that in three hours there
would not be one of them alive. This threat was
jeered at, and it was not believed that it would be
carried into effect. But he who had these women in
charge, on opening the door of the room at the end
of three hours, found the eleven all dead and stretched
on the ground, without any indication being apparent
that they had hastened their deaths, either by steel,
rope, or poison, nor could any one see how they had
been able to make away with themselves. It was
assuredly the case on this occasion that the evil spirit
had played his game. Let us pass to another history.
Two of the most powerful Rajas of India, who
were brothers, having come to Agra in the year 1642
to pay their respects to Shah Jahàn, who then reigned,
not having properly acquitted themselves therein,
in the opinion of the Grand Master of the King's
house, he one day said to one of the two Rajas, who
were together under the gallery of the palace, in the
presence of the King, that this was not the sort of
demeanour that should be observed towards so great
a monarch as the King his master. This Raja re-
garding himself as a King and a great Prince, and
having brought 15,000 or 16,000 horse in his suite
with the other Raja, his brother, was offended by the
boldness the Grand Master showed in reprimanding
him in that fashion, and drawing his dagger slew him
on the spot, in the presence of the King, who wit-
nessed the deed from an elevated position, where,
as I have elsewhere said, he generally administers

220 TRAVELS IN INDIA book hi

1

justice. The Grand Master having fallen at the feet of
his brother, who was close to him, the latter immediately
j set himself to avenge his death, but was anticipated

by the brother of the Raja, who stabbed him in the

i

; breast with his dagger and flung his dead body on

', that of the Grand Master. The King, who beheld

these two murders, one after the other, was frightened
:: and withdrew into his Jiarem; but forthwith all the

J Omrahs and other people who were present under the

gallery, threw themselves on the two Rajas and cut
' them to pieces. The King, indignant at such an action

being committed in his house and in his presence,
! ordered the bodies of the Rajas to be thrown into the

: river ; but as soon as the troops they had left near

Agra heard of the affront which was intended to be
!, done to the memory of their Princes, they threatened

■

to enter the city and pillage it ; this caused the King,
rather than expose the city to this danger, to order
that the bodies should be handed over to them. This
was done, and the Rajputs were appeased by this
means. As they went to burn them they beheld
L thirteen women of the households of these two Rajas

■

approaching, dancing and leaping, who forthwith
ascended the funeral pile, which they encircled, holding

: one another by the hand, and being immediately en-

veloped by the smoke, which suffocated them, they all
fell together into the fire. The Brahmins then threw
upon them a quantity of wood, pots of oil, and other
drugs, according to custom, in order that the bodies
should be quickly consumed.

j» I remember another strange occurrence which

happened one day in my presence at Patna, a town of
Bengal. I was with the Dutch at the house of the

chap, x A COURAGEOUS WOMAN 221

Governor of the town, a venerable noble, nearly eighty
years old, who commanded 5000 or 6000 horse, when
there entered the reception room where we were seated
a young and very beautiful woman, who was scarcely
more than twenty -two years of age. This woman,
with a firm and resolute voice, came to ask the
Governor s permission to burn herself with the body
of her deceased husband. This Governor, touched
by the youth and beauty of the woman, sought to
turn her from her resolution, but seeing that all that
he could say was useless, and that she only became
more obstinate, asking him with a bold and courageous
voice if he believed that she feared fire ; he asked
if she knew any torment equal to fire, and if it had
never happened to her to burn her hand. "No, no,"
this woman then replied to him with more courage
than before ; "I do not fear fire in any way, and in
order to make you see that it is so, you have only to
order a well-lighted torch to be brought here." The
Governor, being horrified with the conversation of the
woman, did not wish to hear more from her, and dis-
missing her told her in a rage that she might go to the
devil. Some young nobles who were by him asked
him to allow them to test the woman and to order
a torch to be brought, persuading him that she would
not have the courage to burn herself with it. At first
he was unwilling to consent, but they continued to
urge him with so much pressure that at length, by his
order, a torch was brought, which, in India, is nothing
else than a cloth twisted and steeped in oil, and put
on the end of a stick after the manner of a chafing
dish ; this, which we call a lamp {/allot), serves us
at need in the crossways of towns. As soon as the

222 TRAVELS IN INDIA book hi

woman saw the torch, which was well kindled, she ran
in front of it, and holding her hand firmly in the flame
without the least grimace, and advancing the arm like-
v wise up to the elbow, it was all immediately scorched ;

S this caused horror to all who witnessed the deed, and

; the Governor commanded the woman to be removed

from his presence.

Since we are at Patna I shall relate yet another
strange thing which happened there one day, and of
which I was a witness. A Brahmin, coming from
outside, entered the town, and summoning all of his
own tribe, told them that they must give him 2000
rupees and 27 cubits of cloth, which are, as I have
said, the ells of this country. The principal among
them having told him that it was impossible, and that
they were poor, he persisted in his demand to have
what he asked for, and declared that he would remain
there without drinking or eating till they had brought
the cloth and the 2000 rupees. With this resolution
he mounted on a tree which was in the square, and
seated himself on a forked branch, remaining in this
position without eating or drinking during several
days. The report of this extravagance having reached
the ears of the Dutch, with whom I then was, they
and I gave money to keep men on the watch all the
night close to the tree, in order to see if it was true
that this man was able to remain for so long a time
without eating or drinking, which he did indeed during
thirty days, of which, besides the people whom we
had engaged for the purpose, there were more than
100 other witnesses whom those of the tribe had
sent, and who never moved by day or night from the
vicinity of the tree. At length, on the thirty-first day

>
h

1;

t

J..

t

chap, x A PROLONGED FAST 223

of so surprising and extraordinary a fast, the idolaters,
fearing that the Brahmin would not be able to hold
out longer against hunger, and having a scruple about
allowing one of their priests to die for want of giving
him that which he asked for, taxed themselves all
round and took him the 27 ells of cloth and the 2000
rupees.1 As soon as the Brahmin saw the money
and cloth he descended from the tree, and after having
reproached all those of the tribe who were present at
this spectacle with their want of charity to the poor,
he distributed to the poorest the whole sum, only
reserving 5 or 6 rupees for himself. He did the same
with the cloth, which he cut up into many pieces, only
keeping for himself what was sufficient to cover the
middle of his body, and this distribution having been
made he disappeared before all the crowd, who have
never since heard what had become of him, notwith-
standing all the research that they could make ; this
ought to show sufficiently that in these matters the
work of the devil is manifested.

As there are many Chinese at Batavia, I shall give
here an account of a custom which I have observed
among that kind of idolaters. When a Chinaman is
at the point of death, all the relatives and friends who
come to see him range themselves about him, and ask
him, while crying, where he wishes to go, that if he
wants anything he has only to say it and that they will
give it to him, be it gold, silver, or women. When dead

1 This is what is known in India as sitting dharnd — to enforce
payment of a demand ; it is now an offence under the Indian penal code.
As to the possibility of a man remaining for so long a period without
food, India furnishes numerous apparently well authenticated instances.
Besides which we have Dr. Tanner's case in America, and many in
different countries of Europe. (See p. 200).

224 TRAVELS IN INDIA book hi

many ceremonies are performed at their funerals ; these
consist principally in displays of fireworks, in which
the Chinese excel all the other nations of the world,
and a man must be very poor if something is not ex-
pended on them at his death. Moreover, some silver is
placed in a small box, which is buried near the deceased,
and a quantity of food is placed near the grave in the
belief that he will come to eat it. As some soldiers of
the garrison are sent out of Batavia every evening to
make the circuit of the town during the night, they
on one occasion took it into their heads to go to these
graves, where they ate up what had been left ; this they
continued to do for some nights consecutively. But
the Chinese were no sooner aware of it than, in order
to deter them from returning, they on three or four
occasions poisoned the food which they placed on the
graves of their dead ; this caused a great disturbance
in Batavia. The Chinese occupy a leading position
in commerce, and are more cunning than the Dutch,
but not being liked by the people of the town, the
latter took the part of the soldiers, and accused the
Chinese of having poisoned some of them. But they
defended themselves from this accusation very cleverly,
saying, that if greed had caused these soldiers to die
from eating the food which had been left on the graves
of their dead, they were not the cause, as it was
not for the soldiers that they had left it, and that
till then among the great number whom they had
interred not one of the dead persons had ever com-
plained of such a thing ; thus nothing more was said
about it, and the soldiers dared not meddle with them
any further.

CHAPTER XI

Concerning the most celebrated Pagodas of tfie

Idolaters of I ndia

The idolaters of India have, both in the towns and
country parts, a great number of temples, large as
well as small, which they call pagodas, where they go
to pray to their gods and make offerings ; but many of
the poor people who dwell in the forests and mountains,
far removed from villages, take a stone, and rudely
trace a nose and eyes with yellow or red colour upon
it, and all the family then worship it.

The four most celebrated pagodas are, Jagannàth,
Benares, Muttra, and Tirupati (Tripatty),1 of each
of which I shall give a separate description.

Jagannàth is the name of one of the mouths of the
Ganges,2 upon which the great pagoda is built, where
the Great Brahmin, that is to say the High Priest
of the idolaters, resides. The form of the choir or
interior of this pagoda is as follows ; and it is similar, in
proportion, in all the others, which are built upon the
same model, in the form of a cross. The great idol on

1 Jagrenate^ Banarous, Matura, and Tripeti in the original.

2 The position of Jagannàth is on the sea coast of Orissa, at Puri,
which is many miles from the nearest mouth of the Ganges. Bernier,
Tavernier's contemporary, was better informed, as in a letter to M.
Chapelain he states it was situated on the Gulf of Bengal.

VOL. II Q

226 TRAVELS IN INDIA book hi

the altar of the choir l has two diamonds for his eyes
and a pendant from his neck which reaches to the
waist, and the smallest of these diamonds weighs about
40 carats ; he has bracelets on his arms, some being of
pearls and some of rubies, and this magnificent idol is
called Kesora.2 The revenues of this great pagoda are
sufficient to feed 15,000 or 20,000 pilgrims daily, and
these numbers are often to be found there, the pagoda
being the object of the highest devotion by the Indians,
who visit it from all quarters. It should be remarked
that jewellers, who come like others, are not now per-
mitted to enter the pagoda, since one of them, who
allowed himself to be shut up during the night, extracted
a diamond from one of the eyes of the idol, intending
to steal it. As he was about to leave in the morning,
when the pagoda was opened, this thief, they say, died
at the door, and the idol performed this miracle as a
punishment for sacrilege. What makes this pagoda,
which is a grand building, the principal one in India,
is, that it is situated on the Ganges, the idolaters
believing that the waters of that river have a special
virtue, which cleanses them from defilement when
they bathe in it. That which causes this pagoda to

1 Of late years no European has been allowed to enter Jagannâth.
On the occasion of the late Lord Mayo's last journey, which was cut
short by his murder in the Andaman Islands, he had it in contemplation
to visit Puri on his return to Calcutta, and a rumour was then abroad
that a special concession about entering the temple was to be made in
his favour. The temple has been described by Hindus, and in especial
detail by Dr. Rajendra, Ldl Mittra, in his Orissa.

2 Krishna. The bones of Krishna, who had been killed by a hunter,
were placed inside an image, which was never completed owing to the
impatience of King Indra, who, however, obtained from Bramha a con-
cession that the idol should become famous as Jagannâth. (Ward,
History of the Hindoos, vol. i, p. 206.)

chap, xi * JAGANNATH 227

be otherwise so rich (for it supports up to 20,000 cows)
is the great amount of the offerings made every day
by the incredible multitude of people who arrive from
all parts. But these alms are not altogether at the
discretion of those who give them, as they are fixed
by the High Priest, who before granting permission to
the pilgrims to shave themselves, to wash themselves
in the Ganges, and to do the other things necessary
to fulfil their vows, taxes each one according to his
means, of which he is very exactly informed. Thus
he receives enormous sums, from which he himself
derives no profit, all being expended on the feeding of
the poor and the support of the pagoda. The Grand
Brahmin, then, distributes to the pilgrims whatever
food is required, each day, as butter, milk, rice, and
flour ; but to the poor, who are in want of utensils to
cook their food with, it is given ready cooked. It is
a surprising thing, and well worthy of notice, to observe
how the food is distributed to the poor people who
have no pots. In the morning the rice is cooked in
earthen pots of different sizes, and when the hour has
come when these poor pilgrims arrive to ask for food,
if, for example, there are five, the Chief Brahmin
orders another Brahmin to take a pot full of cooked
rice, which he lets fall, and the pot breaks itself equally
into five parts, of which each pilgrim takes one, and
likewise in proportion, more or less, according to the
number of people who present themselves to whom the
rice is to be distributed. The Brahmins never cook
twice in the same earthen pot, but use copper pots
frequently, and they have for plates certain leaves
larger than our walnut leaves,1 which are stitched

1 Probably the leaves of the Sâl tree, Shorea robusta (Roxb.)

228 TRAVELS IN INDIA book in

together. They have, however, a kind of dish about
a foot in diameter, which is used to melt butter, in
which they dip the rice with their fingers when eating,
and a small ladle for the melted butter, which is drunk
as we drink a glass of Spanish wine after a repast.

I come now to a more detailed description of the
idol on the altar of the pagoda of JagannAth. It is
covered from the neck to the base with a grand
mantle which hangs on the altar, and this mantle is of
gold or silver brocade according to the nature of the
ceremonies. From the first this idol had neither
feet nor hands, and this is how this fact is explained.
After one of their prophets was taken up into heaven,
when they were all plunged in tears and laments at
losing him, God sent to them from heaven an angel
who was like the prophet, so they treated him with
great honour and respect. But while the angel was
afterwards engaged in making the idol, impatience
seized upon them, and they removed it to place it in
the pagoda, although, as yet, it was unprovided with
feet and hands. But as it was too deformed, they
made hands for it of the small pearls which we call
"pearls by the ounce."1 As for the feet, they cannot
be seen, being concealed under the mantle. There is
nothing left uncovered save the hands and face ; the
head and body are made of sandal wood.2 Around
the elevated dome in which the idol is seated, from
the base up to the top, there are numerous niches con-
taining other images, the majority of which represent

1 Seed pearls, aljofar of the Portuguese. (See p. 1 1 8.)

2 Jagannâth was a centre of Buddhism before it fell into Brahminical
hands, and it has been suggested that the shapeless idol was some
symbol belonging to the former which was adopted by the latter. (See
Anglo-Indian Glossary ', p. 355.)

chap, xi JAGANNÀTH 229

•

hideous monsters, and they are made of stone of
various colours. On each side of this great pagoda
there are other much smaller ones where the pilgrims
make their smallest offerings, and those who, on
account of sickness or in their business, have made a
vow to some god, take there an image or semblance
of the object in memory of the benefit which they
believe they have received.1 This idol is anointed
every day with scented oils which make him quite black.
He has on his right hand his sister who is called
Sotora, who is also represented standing and clothed ;
and on his left his brother, also clothed, who is called
Balbader? In front of the great idol, somewhat to
the left, his wife is to be seen, who is called Kemui?
she is of massive gold, and represented standing, the
three others are made of sandal wood.

The two other pagodas are intended for the resi-
dence of the chief Brahmin, or High Priest, and the
other priests who serve in the great pagoda. All these
Brahmins go about with bare heads, and the majority
are shaved, having for sole garment a piece of cloth,
a part of which wraps round the body, and the re-
mainder is worn like a scarf. Near the pagoda the
tomb of one of their prophets, named Cabir,4 to whom
they do great honour, is to be seen. It should be re-
marked that all these idols are on a kind of altar sur-
rounded by gratings, for no one is allowed to touch

1 A similar custom is followed in some Catholic countries of Europe.

2 The names are Subhadrd and Balarâmâ.

8 I don't know who this stands for. Rukmini was one of Krishna s
wives, but her image, according to Ward, was never represented with her
spouse, nor indeed were those of any of his lawful wives.

4 Possibly for Kabir, a Fakir or Saint, who flourished about the
close of the fifteenth century. (See Forbes's Hindustani Dictionary, s.v.
Kabir.)

230 TRAVELS IN INDIA book hi

them, with the exception of certain Brahmins appointed
by the High Priest for that purpose.

I come to the pagoda of Benares, which, after that
of Jagannàth, is the most famous in all India, with
which it is even, as it were, on a par, being also built
on the margin of the Ganges,1 and in the town of which
it bears the name. The most remarkable thing about
it is that from the door of the pagoda to the river there
is a descent by stone steps, where there are at intervals
platforms and small, rather dark, chambers, some of
which serve as dwellings for the Brahmins^ and others
as kitchens where they prepare their food. For after
the idolaters have bathed, and have gone to pray and
make their offerings in the pagoda, they prepare their
food without any one but themselves touching it,
through the fear they have lest any one who ap-
proached it might be unclean. But above all things,
they ardently desire to drink the water of the Ganges,
because, as soon as they have drunk it, they believe,
as I have said, that they are cleansed from all their
sins. Every day large numbers of these Brahmins
are to be seen going to the clearest part of the
river to fill this water into round, small - mouthed,
earthen pots, which hold about a bucketful. When
they are full they are taken to the chief priest, who
directs the mouth to be covered with a very fine cloth
of fire-colour, in three or four folds, upon which he
applies his seal. The Brahmins carry this water at the
end of a stick, which is flat like a lath, from which hang
six small cords, and to each of them one of these pots
is attached. They rest themselves by changing the

1 Here the mistake about Jagannàth being on the Ganges (see
p. 225, n.) is repeated, as it is also elsewhere in following pages.

chap, xi BENARES 231

shoulder frequently, and they sometimes travel three or
four hundred leagues of country with this load,1 and
then sell it, or make a present of it, but only to the
richest persons, from whom they expect a liberal re-
ward. There are some of these Idolaters who, when
they celebrate any festival — especially when their
children are married — drink this water at a cost of
400 or 500 ecus. It is only drunk at the end of the
repast, as we drink hypocras or muscat in Europe,
each (guest) receiving a cup, or two, according to the
liberality of the host. The principal reason why this
water of the Ganges is so highly esteemed, is, that it
never becomes bad, and engenders no vermin ; but I
do not know whether we should believe what is said
about this, taking into consideration the number of
bodies which are constantly being thrown into the
Ganges.2

Returning to the pagoda at Benares.8 The build-
ing is in the figure of a cross, like all the other pagodas,
having its four arms equal. In the middle a lofty
dome rises like a kind of tower with many sides, which
terminates in a point, and at the end of each arm of the

1 This is what is known as a banghy in India. I have seen men
accustomed to carrying weights in this way, when on occasion they have
only a load for one end, make up an equipoise of a stone or clod of earth
for the other. A similar carrying-stick is used in China. Formerly, if not
still, troops of these water-carriers were to be seen on the Grand Trunk
road, which, when I saw it first in the year 1864, afforded a scene of
much animation and interest.

2 The reader will do well not to believe this story, but rather to con-
clude that much of the water when drunk is in a very unwholesome
condition, and is the cause of disease.

8 Probably the indications given of this temple may be sufficient to
those with local knowledge to identify it. I can only suggest doubtfully
that it is either the Bisheswar (or Golden temple of Siva), or the temple
of Bhaironâth. See Sherring's Sacred City of the Hindus, p. 61.

232 TRAVELS IN INDIA book hi

cross another tower rises, which can be ascended from
outside. Before reaching the top you meet several
balconies and many niches, which project to intercept
the fresh air ; and all over the tower there are figures
in relief of various kinds of animals, which are rudely
executed. Under this great dome, and exactly in the
middle of the pagoda, there is an altar like a kind of
table, of 7 to 8 feet in length, and 5 to 6 wide,
with two steps in front, which serve as a footstool,
and this footstool is covered by a beautiful tapestry,
sometimes of silk and sometimes of gold and silk,
according to the solemnity of the ceremony which is
being celebrated. The altar is covered with gold or
silver brocade, or some beautiful painted cloth. From
outside the pagoda this altar faces you with the idols
which are upon it ; for the women and girls must salute
it from the outside, as they are not allowed to enter
the pagoda, save only those of a certain trjbe. Among
the idols on the great altar there is one standing which
is 5 or 6 feet in height ; neither the arms, legs, nor
trunk are seen, the head and neck only being visible ;
all the remainder of the body, down to the altar, is
covered by a robe which increases in width below.
Sometimes on its neck there is to be seen a rich chain
of gold, rubies, pearls, or emeralds. This idol has been
made in honour and after the likeness of Bainmadou,1
who was formerly a great and holy personage among
them, whose name they often have on their lips. On
the right side of the altar there is also to be seen the
figure of an animal, or rather of a chimera, seeing that
it represents in part an elephant, in part a horse, and in

1 This looks like Bhim Mahâdeba — a combination of names for
Siva.

chap, xi BENARES 233

part a mule. It is of massive gold, and is called
Garou,1 no person being allowed to approach it but the
Brahmins. It is said to be the resemblance of the
animal which this holy personage rode upon when he
was in the world, and that he made long journeys on it,
going about to see if the people were doing their duty
and not injuring any one. At the entrance of the
pagoda, between the principal door and the great altar,
there is to the left a small altar, upon which an idol
made of black marble is to be seen, seated, with the legs
crossed, and about two feet high. When I was there
it had near it, on the left, a small boy, who was son of
the chief priest, and all the people who came there
threw him pieces of taffeta, or brocaded cloth like
handkerchiefs, with which he wiped the idol and then
returned them to their owners. Others threw him
chains made of beads like small nuts, which have a
naturally sweet scent, which these idolaters wear on
their necks and use to repeat their prayers over each
bead. Others also throw chains of coral, others of
yellow amber, others fruits and flowers. Finally, with
everything which is thrown to the chief Brahmins
child he wipes the idol and makes him kiss it, and after-
wards, as I have just said, returns it to the people.
This idol is called Morli Ram,2 that is to say, the God
Morli, brother of the idol on the great altar.

Under the principal entrance of the pagoda one of
the chief Brahmins is to be seen seated, close to whom
is a large dish full of yellow pigment mixed with water.

1 Siva's Bull ? The garou is possibly gdo, a cow, nar gdo being
a bull. Perhaps, however, the chimera was a representation of the
sacred bird Garuda.

2 Morli Ram has not been identified.

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234 TRAVELS IN INDIA book hi

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j All the poor idolaters come one after the other to pre-

j sent themselves to him, and he anoints their foreheads

| with some of this colour, which is continued down be-

j tween the eyes and on to the end of the nose, then on

J the arms and in front of the chest ; and it is by these

j marks that those who have bathed in the Ganges are

j distinguished. Those who only bathe in their dwellings

' (for they are all obliged to bathe before eating, and

even before cooking), those, I say, who have only
bathed in well-water, or in water brought from the
river, are not properly purified, and in consequence
cannot be anointed with this colour. It may be re-
marked that the idolaters, according to their castes, are
anointed with different colours ; and in the Empire of
the Great Mogul, those who are anointed with yellow
belong to the most important tribe, and are the least
impure. For, when attending to the ordinary neces-
sities of nature, the others content themselves with
carrying a pot of water to wash themselves with, but
these always use a handful of sand, with which having
first rubbed themselves, they afterwards wash . So that
they can say their bodies are clean, that no impurity re-
mains, and they may then take their food without fear.
Adjoining this great pagoda, on the side which
faces the setting sun at midsummer, there is a house
which serves as a college, which the Raja Jai Singh,1
the most powerful of the idolatrous princes, who was
then in the Empire of the Great Mogul, has founded
for the education of the youth of good families. I saw
the children of this Prince, who were being educated
there, and had as teachers several Brahmins, who

1 At a later period than this, namely 1693, Ja* Singh erected the
famous observatory at Benares.

chap, xi BENARES 235

taught them to read and write in a language which is
reserved to the priests of the idols,1 and is very different
from that spoken by the people. Having entered the
court of this college, being curious to see it, and throw-
ing my eyes upwards, I perceived a double gallery
which ran all round it, and in the lower one these two
Princes were seated, accompanied by many young
nobles and numerous Brahmins, who were making
different figures, like those of mathematics, on the
ground with chalk. As soon as I entered, these
Princes sent to inquire who I was, and having learnt
that I was a Frenchman they invited me to ascend,
when they asked me many things about Europe, and
especially about France. One of the Brahmins had
two globes, which the Dutch had given him, and I
pointed out the position of France upon them. After
some conversation of this kind they presented me with
betel ; and before I took leave I asked the Brahmins
at what hour I should be able to see the pagoda open.
Having told me to come on the following morning a little
before sunrise, I did not fail to be at the same house by
that time, where the Raja had caused a pagoda to be built
on the left of the entrance. In front of the door there
is to be seen, as it were, a gallery sustained by pillars,
where many people were already assembled — men,
women, and children— awaiting the opening of the door.
When the gallery and a part of the court are full of
people, eight Brahmins approach, four on each side of
the door of the pagoda, each carrying a censer ; and
there are many other Brahmins who make a great noise
with drums and other instruments. The two oldest of
the Brahmins chant a canticle, and all the people, after

1 Sanskrit.

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236 TRAVELS IN INDIA book hi

j they have intoned it, repeat the same while singing

[ and playing instruments, each one waving a peacock's

\ tail, or other kind of fan, to drive away the flies ; so

j, that when the door of the pagoda is opened the idol

I may not be inconvenienced by them. All this fanning

», and music lasted a good half- hour, then the two

j principal Brahmins began to sound two large bells

three times, and, with a kind of small mallet, they then

i knocked at the door. At the same moment it was

i

opened by six Brahmins^ who were inside the pagoda,
and 7 or 8 paces from the door an altar was to
l; be seen with an idol upon it, which is called Ram Kam,

if who is the sister of Morli Ram. She has on her right

a child in the form of Cupid, who is known as the god
Lakshmi, and on her left arm she carries a small girl
called the goddess Sita. As soon as the door of the
pagoda was opened, and after a large curtain had been
drawn, and the people present had seen the idol, all
threw themselves on the ground, placing their hands
upon their heads and prostrating themselves three times ;
then having risen they threw a quantity of bouquets and
chains in form of chaplets, which the Brahmins placed
in contact with the idol, and then returned to the people.
An old Brahmin who was in front of the altar, held
in his hand a lamp with nine lighted wicks, upon which,
from time to time, he threw a kind of incense when
approaching the lamp towards the idol. All these
ceremonies lasted about an hour, after which the people
retired, and the pagoda was closed. The people pre-
sented the idol with a quantity of rice, flour, butter, oil,
and milk, of which the Brahmins let nothing be lost.
As this idol has the form of a woman, all the women
invoke her, and regard her as their patron ; this is the

il

\s

chap, xi BENARES 237

reason why (the temple) is always crowded with women
and children.

The Raja, in order to have this idol in the pagoda
of his house and to get it from the great pagoda, has
expended in gifts to the Brahmins and in alms to the
poor more than five lakhs (500,000) of rupees, which
make 750,000 livres^ of our money.

On £he other side of the street in which this College
is situated, there is another pagoda called Richourdas,
from the name of the idol on the altar inside, and
lower down on another small altar is the idol whom
they call Goupaldas,2 brother of this Richourdas.
Only the faces of these idols, which are made of stone
or wood, are exposed to view. They are black as jet,
with the exception of the image of Morli Ram, which
is in the great pagoda and is uncovered. As for the
idol Ram Kam, which is in the pagoda of the Raja, it
has two diamonds in the eyes which this Prince has
had placed there, together with a large necklace of
pearls, and a canopy sustained by four silver pillars
over its head.

At eight days* journey from Benares, due north-
wards, a mountainous country8 is entered, which in
the intervals has beautiful plains sometimes 2 to 3
leagues wide. They are very fertile, producing corn,
rice, and vegetables, but that which injures and ruins
the people of this country is the abundance of ele-
phants4 which eat a considerable proportion of the
vegetables and grain. If a caravan of travellers
passes through this country where there are no cara-
vansarâis, as they are compelled to camp in the open

1 ^56,250. 2 Gopala.

3 The Sivalik ranges. 4 See p. 262.

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238 TRAVELS IN INDIA book m

fields, they have much trouble in defending themselves
during the night from the elephants which often come
to carry away the food. In order to prevent them the

jl travellers light fires, fire numerous musket-shots, and

ti| from time to time some of them cry with all their

jj might, and make a great noise to frighten these

animals.

In this country there is another pagoda, well-built
'«* and very ancient, and ornamented within and without

? with many figures, which are representations of girls

and women only. Men never go there to worship,

■1 and on that account it is called the girls pagoda. It

ji has an altar in the middle like the other pagodas, and

upon this altar there is an idol of massive gold about
4 feet high/ which represents a girl, standing, whom
they call Ram Marion.1 She has on her right a child,
standing, made of massive silver, and nearly 2 feet
in height, and it is said that this girl living a holy life,
the infant was taken to her by the Brahmins to learn
her creed and how to live well ; but at the end of three
or four years, during which the child had dwelt with
the girl, it became so clever and accomplished that all
the Rajas and Princes of the country wished for it,
and, at last, one of them carried it off one night and it
has not since been seen. This idol has on her left, at
the base of the altar, another idol representing an old
man, whom they say had been the servant of Ram
Marion and the child, and the Brahmins pay great
reverence to this idol. They come to it but once
a year for worship, and it is necessary for them to
arrive on a prescribed day, which is the first day of
the moon in November, because the pagoda is only

1 Marana, goddess of death, a form of Kali.

chap, xi A WOMAN'S PAGODA 239

opened at full moon. During the fifteen days which
intervene all the pilgrims, both men and women, must
fast from time to time, wash their bodies three times
every day, without leaving a single hair in whatever
place it may be, all being easily removed by the use of
a certain earth with which they rub themselves.1

1 A preparation of lime is sometimes used for this purpose.

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CHAPTER XII

Continuation of the description of the principal Pagodas

of the Idolaters of India

After the pagodas of Jagannàth and Benares, the
most considerable used to be that of Muttra,1 at about
1 8 coss from Agra, on the road to Delhi. It is one
of the most sumptuous buildings in all India, and was
the place where there was formerly the greatest con-
i course of pilgrims ; but at present scarcely any are to

be seen there, the idolaters having gradually lost the
devotion which they had for this pagoda, since the
river Jumna, which used to pass close to it, has changed
its course, and now flows half a league away. For when
pilgrims have bathed in the river it takes them too
much time to return to the pagoda, and during that
\i time they may encounter something which renders

them impure and unclean. Although this pagoda,
'. which is very large, is in a hollow, one sees it from

\) more than 5 or 6 coss distance, the building being very

?[ elevated and very magnificent. The stones which

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1 Matura in the original (see Book I, chap, vii, and Book III, chap,
xi.) The Antiquities of Muttra, or, as it is also called, Mathurâ, have
been very fully described by Mr. Growse. The temple on the platform
described by Tavernier was probably what is known as the Idgah or
Katra. " It has been identified with the site of the ancient Buddhist
monastery of Upagupta, and marks one of the oldest religious spots in
India." (Imperial Gazetteer, Art. " Muttra," vol. x, p. 53.)

chap, xii MUTTRA 241

were used in its construction are of a red colour, and are
obtained from a large quarry near Agra. They split
like our slates, and some of them, which are 15 feet
long and 9 or 10 feet wide, are not six fingers in thick-
ness, that is to say, they split according to wish, and
as may be required ; beautiful columns are made of
them also. The fortress of Agra, the walls of Jahànà-
bàd, the house of the King, the two mosques, and some
houses of the great nobles are built of the same stone.1
Returning to the pagoda, it is seated on a great
platform of octagonal shape faced over with cut stone,
around which there are two courses of animals, chiefly
monkeys, carved in relief. One of the courses is only
2 feet from the ground floor, and the other 2 feet from
the level of the platform. It is ascended by two stair-
cases of fifteen or sixteen steps each, the steps being
only 2 feet long, so that two persons are unable to
ascend side by side. One of these staircases leads to
the great gate of the pagoda, and the other behind
the choir. But the pagoda occupies scarcely half the
platform, the other half serving as a grand area in
front. Its form is that of a cross, like those of the
other pagodas, and in the middle there rises a lofty
dome, with two others a little smaller which are at the
sides. On the exterior of the building, from base to
summit, numerous figures of animals are to be seen,
such as rams, monkeys, and elephants, carved in stone,

1 For an account of these sandstones, which are derived from the
Vindhyan formation, reference may be made to the chapter on Building
Stones in the Economic Geology 0/ India, Tavernier's statements as to
the fissile character and the large size of the pieces which can be
obtained, are quite accurate. One of the most remarkable, though not
the most successful uses to which they have been put in modern times
is in the manufacture of telegraph-wire posts. Latterly these have, I
think, been replaced by metal posts.

VOL. II R

242 TRAVELS IN INDIA book hi

and all round are niches where there are different
monsters. From the foot of each of the three domes up
to the summits, at intervals, there are windows from 5
to 6 feet high, and at each a kind of balcony where four
persons can sit. Each balcony is covered by a small
canopy, and some are sustained by four columns, others
by eight, but then they are in pairs and in contact with
one another. Around these domes there are also
niches full of figures which represent demons, one having
four arms, another four legs ; some of them have the
heads of men on the bodies of beasts, with horns and
long tails which twine round their legs. There are,
finally, numerous images of monkeys, and it is a
terrible thing to have before the eyes so many ugly
representations. The pagoda has but one door» which
is very high, and on both sides there are many columns
and images of men and monsters. The choir is
enclosed by a barricade made of stone columns of 5 to
6 inches in diameter, and no one may enter these
except the principal Brahmins, who have access by a
small secret door which I could not see. When at this
pagoda I asked some Brahmins who were there if I
might see the great Ràm Ràm, that is to say the great
idol. They replied that if I gave them something they
would go to ask leave of their Superior ; this they did
as soon as I had placed two rupees in their hands. I
had not waited half an hour till the Brahmins opened
a door which is inside the middle of the barricade (for
on the outside there is none, the barricade itself being
closed). I saw across it, at about 1 5 or 1 6 feet from
the door, as it were a square altar covered with an old
brocade of gold and silver, and on it the great idol
which they call Ràm RAm. Only the head, which is of

chap, xii TIRUPATI OR TRIPATTY 243

black marble, can be seen, and he has for eyes what
appear to be two rubies. All the body from the
neck to the feet is covered by a robe of red velvet
with some embroidery, and the arms cannot be seen.
There are two other idols beside him of 2 feet in
height or thereabouts ; they are arranged in the same
manner, save that they have the faces white, and
they are called Becchor.1 I also saw in this pagoda
a machine of 15 to 16 feet square and about 12
to 15 feet high, covered with painted calicoes which
represent all kinds of demons. This machine was
supported on four small wheels, and I was told that it
was the portable altar, whereon their great god is
placed on the solemn days when he goes to visit the
other gods, and is taken to the river by the people on
the occasion of their principal festival.

The fourth pagoda is that of Tirupati,2 in the
province of Carnatic, towards the Coromandel coast
and Cape Comorin. I went to see it when going
from Masulipatam to Gandikot8 to join the Nawâb
Mir Jumlâ. It is a large pagoda, surrounded by
numerous small ones, and by many dwellings for the
Brahmins ; this makes it appear like a town. It has
around it many tanks, and the superstition is so great
that a passer-by dare not take water from them unless
a Brahmin give it to him.

1 I don't know what this stands for, perhaps betay a son.

2 Tripeti in the original, more correctly it is Tirupati, and is
commonly called Tripatty, situated in the District of North Arcot. In
some respects it is regarded as the most sacred temple in Madras. The
principal temple is at Tirumala, 6 miles distant. From all parts of India
pilgrims flock there, bearing large offerings with them.

8 Indecote in the original In Book I, chap, xviii, p. 272 of vol i,
Tavernier gives his route between Madras and Gandikot, when he saw
this temple. There he calls it, however, Courua.

.

CHAPTER XIII

Concerning the pilgrimages of the Idolaters to

their pagodas

All the idolaters who are subjects of the Great
Mogul and other Princes on either side of the
Ganges, at least once in their lives make a pilgrimage
to perform their devotion at one of the four pagodas
which I have named, and most commonly to that of
Jagannàth, it being the principal and most consider-
able of all. The Brahmins and rich people make this
pilgrimage oftener than once, some making it every
four years, others every six or every eight years, when,
placing the idols of their pagodas in litters they
accompany their Brahmins in procession to the pagoda
for which they have most reverence ; but it is most
frequently, as I have said, to that of Jagannàth, and
also to that of Benares, because both are on the
Ganges, the water of which is held in special venera-
tion by them.

These pilgrimages are not made, as in Europe, one
by one, or two by two, but the population of a town or of
several villages assemble in order to travel together in
company. The poor who come from afar, sometimes
300 or 400 leagues, and who, with all the savings which
they have accumulated for that purpose during their

chap, xiii PILGRIMAGES 245

lives are unable to sustain the expenses of the journey,
are assisted by the rich, who expend very great sums
in such alms. Each one travels according to his station
and means, some in pallankeens or litters, others in
carriages ; and the poor, some on foot and others on
oxen, the mother carrying her child, and the father the
cooking utensils.

The god whom they carry in procession from the
place they are leaving, in order that he may visit and
pay the respect which he owes to the great Ràm Ràm,
reposes at full length in a rich pallankeen covered with
gold brocade with silver fringes, the mattress and
cushion of the same material being under the head,
feet, and elbows, as we see in the effigies on our tombs.
The Brahmins distribute among the most important
persons in the troop fans with handles 7 or 8 feet
long, and covered with plates of gold and silver, the
fan being at the end in the form of a kiln-shovel of 2 to
3 feet in diameter, and covered with the same brocade
as the pallankeens. It is surrounded with peacock
feathers, and makes a great current of air ; to it bells
are sometimes attached to give a kind of music, and
there are generally five or six of these fans for driving
away the flies from the face of the idol ; those who
carry them take turns from time to time, like those
who carry the pallankeens \ so that many may share in
this honourable task. This custom should not appear
more strange to us than that which I have seen
practised in Saxony, and in many other parts of Ger-
many, where, while a funeral oration for a man or a
woman is delivered in the church, the body reposes
at full length on a bier which is uncovered, and the
people on both sides fan it constantly, when it is

246 TRAVELS IN INDIA book in

summer time, to drive away the flies attracted to the
face of the defunct, who has then no more power of
feeling than an idol.

In the year 1653, being on the road from Golconda
to Surat with M. d'Ardilliére, of whom I have
elsewhere spoken, we met near Daulatàbàd more
than 2000 persons, including men, women, and children,
who came from the direction of Tatta1 with their
idol, which they carried in a rich pallankeen, on their
way to visit the great idol of the pagoda at Tirupati.
This idol was laid on a mattress of red crimson velvet,
and the covering and cushions were of the same stuff.
The bamboo or stick which served to carry the pallan-
keen was covered with gold and silver brocade, and
no one except the Brahmins had permission to approach
it. We saw this long procession pass, and it was not
without feeling much compassion for the blindness of
these poor people.

[Here are the figures of the most famous idols,
which I had the curiosity to have drawn on the spot.2]

1 M. Joret (t.c. p. 131) is I think mistaken in assuming that this
occasion of meeting pilgrims is identical with one described in voL i, p.
296, it having taken place in the year 1652 at Emelipata, i.e. Vamul-
petta, a stage between Gandikot and Golconda. He adds as a further
mistake of Tavernier's that M. d'Ardilliére had died before 1653. (See
Preface.) As we know that Tavernier went back to Golconda in 1653,
and was in Surat in 1654, he may very possibly have met the pilgrims
exactly as he says, when on his return towards the end of 1653.

2 These figures are not given in any of the editions which I have
seen. Probably they were never reproduced.

CHAPTER XIV

Concerning various customs of the Idolaters of I ndia

The Brahmins possess much knowledge of astrology,
and know how to predict eclipses of the sun and moon
for the people. On the 2d of July 1666 at one o'clock
p.m. an eclipse of the sun was visible at Patna, a town
of the Kingdom of Bengal. It was a wonderful
thing to see the multitude of people, men, women, and
children, who came from all quarters to bathe in the
Ganges. But they must begin this bathing three days
before they see the eclipse, during which time they re-
main day and night on the banks of the river in order
to prepare all kinds of rice, milk, and sweetmeats to
throw to the fishes and crocodiles which are in the
river. Immediately on the Brahmins giving the word,
when they know it is the fortunate hour, whatever kind
of eclipse it may be, whether of the sun or moon, the
idolaters are accustomed to break all the earthen vessels
used in their households, and not to leave one piece
whole — this causes a terrible noise in a town.

Every Brahmin has his book of magic, in which
there are a number of circles and semicircles, of squares
and triangles, and many other kinds of figures. They
draw divers figures on the ground, and when they
perceive that the fortunate hour has arrived they all

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248 TRAVELS IN INDIA book in

unite in crying aloud to the people to throw food into
the Ganges. A terrible noise is then made with drums,
bells, and large disks made of similar metal to that of
our cymbals, which they strike one against the other ;
and as soon as the food is thrown into the river all
the people should enter and continue rubbing them-
selves, and bathing their bodies until the eclipse is
over. As this eclipse appeared at a time when the
Ganges is usually very low, after the end of the rains,
which last from the month of July to the end of
October, for more than 3 leagues above and below
the town, and as many as the river extends in width,
nothing was to be seen but heads on the water. As
for the Brahmins, they remain on land to receive the
richest and those who give them most, to dry their
bodies, and give them dry clothes to cover the middle
of their bodies. Then they make them sit in chairs,
where the richest of the idolaters have brought an
abundance of Indian corn, rice, and all kinds of vege-
tables, with milk, butter, sugar, flour, and wood. Before
each chair the Brahmin makes a very clean place of
about 5 or 6 feet square, after which he takes cattle
droppings steeped in a great dish of yellow pigment,
m order to rub over all the place, through fear lest
some ant might come there and be burnt. If possible,
their ceremonies are conducted without burning wood,
and in order to cook their food they generally use
cattle droppings. When they are obliged to use wood
they take care that it has no maggots nor other insects
inside it, through fear, as I have elsewhere remarked,
because of their belief in the transmigration of souls
into different bodies, that there may be the soul of a re-
lative or friend burnt with this small animal. In this

chap, xiv SNAKE WORSHIP 249

place which they have cleaned so well, they trace many
kinds of figures, as triangles and half triangles, ovals
and half ovals, these they make with powdered chalk.
On each figure they place a little cow-dung, with two
or three small branches of wood, which they rub well
for fear any insect should be contained in them ; and
on these branches they place on one wheat, another
rice, on the others vegetables, and all the kinds of food
which they have. Then, having thrown on each heap
a quantity of butter, and having set fire to them,
according to the appearance of the flames they conclude
whether there will be in that year an abundant harvest
of corn, rice, and so with the rest.

At the March full moon there is a solemn festival
for the idol which has the form of a serpent, of which
I have spoken in the first Book of this account of
India.1 This festival lasts nine days, and while it lasts
both men and beasts remain idle ; the majority of the
latter are ornamented with circles of vermilion around
the eyes, with which the horns are also painted, and
when there is any special love for the animal leaves
of tinsel are added. Each morning the idol is wor-
shipped, the girls dancing round it for an hour to the
sound of flutes and drums, after which all eat together
and enjoy themselves till the evening, when they again
worship the idol and dance round it a second time.

Although it is not the usual custom of the idolaters
to use any kind of drink, nevertheless during this
festival they drink palm wine, and, in villages far re-
moved from the great routes, a spirit made from the
same wine, because the Muhammadan governors do not
allow them to make it, nor to sell wine brought from

1 Snake worship. See Book I, chap, iii, p. 42.

250 TRAVELS IN INDIA book hi

Persia or elsewhere. The spirit is made in this way —
In large earthen vessels, glazed inside, which are called
martabans? and are of different sizes, and hold as much
as 300 Paris pints of palm wine, they place 50 or
60 pounds of black sugar — which is unrefined, and
looks like yellow wax — with about 20 pounds of a
thick black bark of a kind of thorn,2 very like that
which our tanners use in Europe to tan their leather.
This bark serves to make the palm wine ferment ; this
it does in four or five days like our new wine, so that
the sweetness changes into sourness equal to that of our
wild pears. The whole is then distilled, and, accord-
ing to the flavour which is wished for, there is thrown
into a kettleful either a small bag of cloves, or three
or four handfuls of aniseed or mace, large chaldrons
serving for the distillation. This spirit can be made of
whatever strength is desired. One day, having taken
the fancy to distil some for myself, I filled ten of those
bottles which come from England, the glass of which is
of the thickness of a white crown {ecu blanc) ; they hold
about 4 pints, Paris measure, each, and are used for
wines which it is desired to keep. But during the night
the spirit having effervesced in the bottles I found them
all cracked in the morning by the strength of the liquor.
When I was at Agra in the year 1642 a somewhat
strange thing happened. An idolater called Voldas,
who was broker to the Dutch, and was about seventy
years old, received news that the chief priest of the
pagoda of Muttra was dead. Immediately he went to

1 Martavane in the original This name was given to large vessels
of glazed pottery, which were made in Martaban, and thence largely ex-
ported. A number of examples of its use will be found in the Anglo-
Indian Glossary ', p. 428.

2 Kutch t Acacia caUchu ( Willd)

chap, xiv A RAJPUT SOLDIER 251

see the Chief of the Dutch factory to ask him to ex-
amine his accounts and close them, because, as he said,
their Chief Priest being dead he also wished to die, to
serve that holy man in the other world. As soon as
his accounts had been examined he entered his carriage
accompanied by some relatives who followed him, and
as he had neither eaten nor drunk since he had received
the news, he died on the road, having refused to take
any food.

The idolaters of India observe this custom, that
when any one yawns they crack their fingers, while
crying out many times Ginarami? that is to say,
remember Narami, who passes among the idolaters
as a great saint. This cracking of the fingers is done,
it is said, to prevent any evil spirit entering into the
body of the yawner.

When I was at Surat in the year 1653 one of the
soldiers called Rajputs, who had upon his horse two
or three pieces of cloth, was brought before the
Governor to be made pay duty on them. The Raj-
put in a firm tone of voice asked the Governor boldly,
if a soldier who had served the King all his life
ought to pay duty on two or three miserable pieces of
calico which were not worth more than 4 or 5 rupees,
and said they were to clothe his wife and children.
The Governor, stung by this discourse, called him
bethicoy that is to say, son of a strumpet,2 adding that

1 J Ai! NArAitiy a name of Vishnu, with the exclamatory prefix /Ai!
signifying c victory to.* Though the custom referred to is well known, its
object being, as stated, to prevent evil spirits taking advantage of the
involuntarily open mouth in order to obtain an entrance into the body
of the yawner, I cannot find any reference to a detailed account of it

2 This is not an exact translation of the term, but may be allowed
to pass as such here.

252 TRAVELS IN INDIA book hi

■

r

• even if he were a Prince he would make him pay the

j King's due. Then the soldier, exasperated by this

} abuse, made as though to take out the money to pay

what was demanded, and advancing towards the
Governor gave him seven or eight stabs of his dagger
in the stomach, from which he died, and the soldier
was at once hacked to pieces by the attendants.

Although these idolaters are in the depths of
5 blindness as to a knowledge of thé true God, that does

not prevent them from living in many respects, accord-
ing to nature, morally well. When married they are
; rarely unfaithful to their wives, adultery is very rare

3 among them, and one never hears unnatural crime

( spoken of.1 They marry their children at the age of

J seven or eight years, through fear lest they should

" abandon themselves to this crime. And, in a few words,

f . these are the ceremonies which are observed at their

J; marriages. On the eve of the nuptials the bridegroom,

!■' accompanied by all his relatives, goes to the house

| of the bride with a pair of large bracelets two fingers

j in thickness, but hollow inside, and in two pieces, with

1 a hinge in the middle to open them by. According to

| the wealth of the bridegroom these bracelets are more

or less costly, being of gold, silver, brass or tin,2 those
of the poorest being of lead only. The bridegroom
having arrived, places one of these bracelets on each
leg of his bride, to indicate that he holds her thence-
forward enchained, and that she can never leave him.
On the morrow the feast is prepared in the house of
the bridegroom, where all the relatives on either side

t;

i
I-

1 This testimony is very different from that given by some other
writers of the same period as Tavernier.

2 Leton and estain in the original.

chap, xiv MARRIAGE CEREMONIES 253

are present, and at 3 p.m. the bride is brought. Several
Brahmins are there too, and their Chief, making the
head of the bridegroom approach that of the bride,
pronounces several words while sprinkling water on
both their heads and bodies. Then on plates or on large
leaves of the fig tree 1 many kinds of food and pieces
of stuff and calico are brought. The Brahmin asks
the bridegroom if in proportion as God gives to him
whether he will share with his wife, and if he will
strive to support her by his labour. When he has
said yes, all the guests seat themselves at the feast
which has been prepared for them, and where each one
eats apart. According to the wealth of the bride-
groom and the credit he enjoys with great persons, the
nuptials are celebrated with pomp and great expendi-
ture. He is seated on an elephant and his bride in a
carriage, all who accompany them having torches in
their hands. He borrows, moreover, for this ceremony
from the Governor of the place and from other great
nobles among his friends as many elephants as he can,
together with show horses, and they march about thus
for a part of the night with fireworks, which are thrown,
in the streets and open spaces. But one of the prin-
cipal outlays is in the Ganges water,2 for those who are
sometimes 300 or 400 leagues distant from the river ;
for as this water is considered sacred, and is drunk
from religious motives, it has to be brought from a
great distance by the Brahmins in earthen vessels
glazed inside, which the Grand Brahmin of Jagannàth
has himself filled with the cleanest water in the river,8
and has subsequently placed his seal upon it. This

1 That is to say, the plantain (see vol. i, p. 247, and vol. ii, p. 4).
2 See p. 231. 3 See p. 230.

ï'

?j 254 TRAVELS IN INDIA book hi

J

•i

k

1

■i
■t

water is not given except at the end of the repast, as I
have before said ; for each of the guests three or four.
\ cupfuls are poured out, and the more of it the bride-

]: groom gives them to drink so is he esteemed the more

f generous and magnificent. As this water comes from

i so far, and the Chief Brahmin charges a certain tax on

i each pot, which is round and holds about as much as

1 one of our buckets, there is sometimes 2000 or 3000

rupees worth of it consumed at a wedding.

On the 8th of April, when I was in Bengal at a
town called Maldah,1 the idolaters made a great feast
which is peculiar to the inhabitants of that place.
They all leave the town and attach hooks of iron to
the branches of trees, to which many of these poor
people hook themselves, some by the sides and others
by the middle of the back. These hooks enter their
bodies, and they remain suspended, some for an hour
I and others for two, till the weight of the body drags

the flesh, when they are compelled to retire.2 It is a
surprising thing not to see a drop of blood come from
this cut flesh, and not to see a sign of it even on the
hook, and in two days they are entirely cured by the
drugs which the Brahmins give them. There are
others at this festival who make beds for themselves
with points of iron and lie upon them ; these points enter

1 Afalde in the original. See Book I, chap, viii, p. 134. Maldah is
a well-known town at the junction of the Kalindri and Mahanadi rivers
in the District of the same name in Bengal. Formerly it was a port and
centre of manufactures, but is not now important

2 This is the so-called Charak puja or swinging festival, now for-
bidden in British India. On one occasion, in the Râjmahal hills, a
deputation of Sonthâls waited on me to ask for my intercession with
the Government to permit its resumption, on the ground that their
neglected deities, out of revenge,* caused injury to their families and
flocks.

chap, xiv PENANCES 255

very far into the flesh, and while both are doing these
penances their relatives and friends bring them
presents, as betel, money, or pieces of calico. When
the penance is accomplished the penitent takes all
these presents and distributes them to the poor, not
wishing to profit by them himself. I asked some of
these people wherefore they made this feast and these
penances, and they said it was in memory of the first
man, whom they called Adam like us.

I shall relate also an example of a strange kind of
penance which I saw when ascending the Ganges on
the 12th of May 1666. A very clean place on the
margin of the river had been prepared, in which one of
these poor idolaters was condemned to place himself
on the ground many times during the day, supported
only on two hands and two feet, and kissing the
ground three times before rising, without daring to
touch it with the rest of his body. When he rose it
was necessary for him to do so on the left foot, with the
right foot in the air, and every morning during a
whole moon, before drinking or eating, he was obliged
to place himself in this position fifty times in succession,
and consequently to kiss the ground one hundred and
fifty times. I was told that the Brahmins had inflicted
this penance on him for having allowed a cow to die
in his house, not having taken it to the margin of the
water according to custom, in order that it might be
bathed while dying.1

Here is yet another somewhat curious custom.
When an idolater loses a coin or a sum of gold, be it
by mistake or that he has been robbed, he is bound to
take as much as he has lost to the Chief Brahmin, and

1 See p. 217.

* 256 TRAVELS IN INDIA book hi

>

3

j

9

î if he does not do so and it gets known he is driven

5 with ignominy out of his caste, through policy, to

make people careful.

Beyond the Ganges, northwards, towards the
[ mountains of Nagarkot,1 there are two or three Rajas

jf who like their people believe neither in God nor devil.

Their Brahmins have a certain book which contains
their creed, and which is only filled with rubbish for
which the author, who is called Baudou, gives no
reason.2 These Princes are vassals of the Great
Mogul and pay tribute to him.

Finally, for a last remark and to finish this chapter,
I may say that the Malabaris in general carefully
preserve the nails of their left hands, and allow their
hair to grow like that of a woman. These nails,
which are sometimes half a finger long, serve them
as combs, indeed they have no others, and it is with
this left hand also that they perform all impure
duties, never touching their faces nor that which they
eat save only with the right hand.3 I now come
to some remarks which I have made in my journeys
regarding kingdoms which lie to the north-east of the
territories of the Great Mogul, as those of Bhutan,
Tipperah, Assam, and Siam, of which I believe that we

1 Naugrocot in the original. Nagarkot is to a certain extent synony-
mous with Kangra, the capital of which is situated on the Ravi
Banganga Torrent. The name occurs in many early travels to indicate
the mountainous region of the N. W. Himalayas.

3 This is rather an unceremonious way of discussing the tenets of
Buddhism. The Buddhists form a comparatively small part of the popu-
lation of Kangra at present (See Imperial Gazetteer, Art. " Kangra.")
\ 8 The Nairs of Malabar let their nails grow, according to Linschoten,

to show that they are u gentlemen " and do not engage in manual labour.
As is well known, the Chinese do so likewise, for the same reason.
(See Voyage of Van Linschoten, in Hak. Society, vol. i, p. 282.)

chap, xiv TONQUIN 257

Europeans have not much knowledge ; and I would also
speak of the Kingdom of Tonquin, if I did not know
that two different authors have filled two volumes
with it.

1 In his third volume Tavernier gives an account of Tonquin, or
Tunquin as he calls it. I have not tested it, but in the opinion of
some critics it is very inaccurate. Our author's reputation would stand
higher if he had limited his descriptions to places of which he had
personal knowledge.

VOL. II

CHAPTER XV

Concerning the Kingdom of Bhutan, from whence
comes musk, good rhubarb, and some furs

The Kingdom of Bhutan is of very wide extent, but
we have not been able to acquire an exact knowledge
of it as yet. This is what I have ascertained during
several journeys which I have made in India, from people
of the country who come from it to trade ; but I was
better informed regarding it on the last occasion than I
had been previously, as I was at Patna, the largest town
in Bengal and the most famous for trade — at the time
that the merchants of Bhutan arrive to sell their musk.
During the two months I spent there I bought to the
extent of 26,000 rupees worth of musk, an once (Fr.) in
the capsule costing me 4 livres and 4 sols of our money,
and out of the capsule at the rate of 8 francs? and
were it not for the custom duties which have to be
paid in India, as well as in Europe, there would be
a great profit to be made on it. The best kind of
rhubarb 2 also comes from the Kingdom of Bhutan ;
the same country produces also the seed which yields

1 See Book II, chap, xxiv, p. 146, for another account of this pur-
chase, and a comparison showing the discrepancy. Here for francs we
should probably read livres.

2 See p. 260.

^■Ma

chap, xv MUSK 259

worm powder,1 and other kinds of drugs, and from
thence also beautiful furs are brought. But as for
rhubarb, you risk much in its carriage, by whatever
road you take it ; for if you go by the north towards
Kabul the damp spoils it, and if you take the southern
direction, as the way is long, the rains which may
supervene are still more to be feared, so that there is
no kind of merchandise which is more subject to be
spoilt, and requires more care than it does.

As for musk, during the hot season the merchant
does not make any profit by it, because it becomes dry
and loses weight. Upon this article 25 per cent duty
has generally to be paid at Gorakhpur,2 the frontier
town of the territories of the Great Mogul in the
direction of the Kingdom of Bhutan,8 although they
extend 5 or 6 leagues farther. When Indian merchants
arrive in that town they call on the customs officer,
and tell him that they are going to the Kingdom
of Bhutan, one to buy musk, another rhubarb, and
they make declarations of the sums which they intend
to expend, these the customs officer enters in his register
with the names of the merchants. Then the merchants,

1 This is probably a species of Artemisia — A. mari ti ma (Var) ? It
is the Flores cinœ, or Semen cince^ or Santonica of the pharmacopoeias.
Most of it which reaches Europe comes through Russia, but the drug
now to be found in Indian bazaars is similar, consisting of the small
unopened flower heads. It is found in great abundance on the steppes
of the Kirghiz, in the northern part of Turkestan. (See Pharmaco-
graphia, by Fluckiger and Hanbury. London, 1874.)

2 Goorochepour in the original. Gorakhpur is the chief town of the
District of the same name in the North-West Provinces. It adjoins
Nepal on the north, through which territory the merchants travelled
to Bhutan.

3 This geographical indication is not correct, as Northern Bengal
lies nearer to Bhutan ; but it is evident from other references that
Tavernier's knowledge of the extent and position of Bhutan was vague.

260 TRAVELS IN INDIA book hi

instead of 25 per cent, which they ought to pay, agree
for 7 or 8 per cent, and take a certificate from the
customs officer or the Kazt, so that on their return they
may not be asked for any more. If it should happen
that they are unable to obtain a fair composition from
the customs officer, they take a different road, which is
both very long and very difficult, on account of the
mountains being nearly always covered with snow, and
because in the level country there are vast deserts to be
traversed. They have to go up to the 60th degree of
latitude, and then they turn towards the west to
Kabul,1 which is at the 40th, and it is in that town
that the caravan divides, one portion going to Balkh,2
and the other to Great Tartary. It is where those
who come from Bhutan barter their goods for horses,
mules, and camels, for there is little money in these
countries. Then these Tartars carry their goods into
Persia, to Ardabil,8 and Tabriz ; this it is which
makes Europeans believe that rhubarb and the seeds
(semenczne)4 come from Tartary. It is quite true that
rhubarb comes from thence, but it is not nearly so good
as that which comes from the Kingdom of Bhutan, as it
is much more tainted, rhubarb being subject to decay
at the heart. The Tartars carry away from Persia
silken stuffs of small value which are made at Tabriz
and Ardabil, and some English and Dutch cloths

1 That they travelled so far north as the 60th degree is most
improbable. That there was a northern route is well known, however.
The true latitude of Kabul (Cabool) is only 34 ° 30'.

2 Batch in the original. Balkh is an ancient city of Turkestan,
south of the Oxus. (See voL i, pp. 92, «., and 382, n.)

8 Arduiel in the original. Ardabil is near the Caspian, in the rugged
northern province of Persia called Azerbijaun, wherein Tabriz is also
included

4 See ante, p. 259.

chap, xv ARMENIAN MERCHANTS 261

which the Armenians bring from Constantinople and
Smyrna, whither they are brought from Europe.
Those of the merchants who come from Bhutan and
Kabul go to Kandahar and on to Ispahan, and they
generally take back coral beads, yellow amber, and
lapis wrought into beads when they can obtain them.
The other merchants, returning from the regions about
Mult an, Lahore, and Agra, take calicoes, indigo,
and an abundance of carnelian and crystal beads.
Finally, those who return by Gorakhpur, and have
an understanding with the customs officer, take from
Patna and Dacca coral, yellow amber, tortoise-shell
bracelets, and others of sea shells, with numerous
round and square pieces of the size of our 15 sol
coins, which are also of the same tortoise-shell and sea
shells. When I was at Patna four Armenians, who
had previously made a journey to the Kingdom of
B hut An, came from Dantzic, where they had had
made numerous images of yellow amber, which repre-
sented all kinds of animals and monsters, these they
were taking to the King of Bhutan to place in his
pagodas, he being, like his people, exceedingly idolatrous.
Wherever the Armenians see that money is to be made
they have no scruple about supplying materials for the
purposes of idolatry,1 and they told me that if they
had been able to get an idol made which the King
had ordered from them they would have been enriched.
It was a head in the form of a monster, which had six
horns, four ears, and four arms, with six fingers on
each hand, the whole to be of yellow amber,2 but the

1 Bohemia, it is said, at present sends idols made of cast glass to
India, which undersell the marble images of Agra.

2 Huge pieces of amber were employed in the manufacture of the

262 TRAVELS IN INDIA book hi

Armenians could not find sufficiently large pieces for
the purpose. I was inclined to believe that money
lacked them, for it did not appear that they had much
of it ; it is, however, an infamous trade to furnish the
instruments of idolatry to these poor people.

Coming now to the road which must be followed
from Patna to the Kingdom of Bhutan, upon which
the caravan spends three months.1 It leaves Patna
generally at the end of December and arrives on the
eighth day at Gorakhpur, which, as I have said, is
the last town in this direction in the territories of the
Great Mogul, where the merchants obtain their
supplies for a portion of the journey. From Gorakhpur
to the foot of the high mountains there are still eight
or nine days' marching, during which the caravan
suffers much, because the whole country is full of
forests, where there are numerous wild elephants,2 and
the merchants instead of sleeping at night must remain
on the watch, making large fires and firing their
muskets to frighten these animals. As the elephant
moves without noise, he takes the people by surprise,
and is close to the caravan before they are aware of it.
It is not that he comes to do injury to man, for he

boxes made in the shape of geese included in the King of Burmah's
treasure, which is in the South Kensington Museum.

It has been stated that the largest piece of amber ever known was
recently discovered near the Nobis Gate at Altona. It weighed 850
grammes. Dr. Meyer of Dresden (Nature, 29th November 1888),
commenting on this, says that besides smaller pieces, elsewhere, there are
specimens in the Berlin Mineralogical Museum weighing 6.5 and 9.5
kilogrammes; they were obtained on the sea-coast of North Germany.

1 Three months is a long time for the journey to have lasted
between Patna and any portion of Bhutan territory, as now known.

2 The Tarai. It was in a part of this region that the Prince of
Wales took part in the elephant captures arranged for him by Sir Jang
Bahadur.

chap, xv NEPAL 263

contents himself with carrying off whatever food he
can seize, as a sack of rice or flour, or a pot of butter, of
which there is always a large supply. One can go from
Patna to the foot of these mountains in Indian carriages
or pallankeens ', but oxen, camels, or the horses of the
country are generally used. These horses are by
nature so small that when a man is upon them his feet
nearly touch the ground, but they are otherwise strong,
and all go at an amble, doing up to 20 leagues at a
stretch, and eating and drinking but little. There are
some of them which cost as much as 200 ecus,1 and
when you enter the mountains you can only use that
means of carriage, it being necessary to leave behind
all the others, which become useless on account of the
numerous passes, which are very narrow. The horses
even, though strong and small, often have difficulty in
getting through, and it is for this reason, as I shall
presently say, that one has recourse to other expedients
for traversing these lofty mountains.

At 5 or 6 leagues beyond Gorakhpur you enter
the territories of the Raja of Nepal,2 which extend to
the frontiers of the Kingdom of Bhutan. This Prince
is a vassal of the Great Mogul, and sends him an
elephant every year as tribute.3 He resides in the
town of Nepal, of which he bears the name, and there
is very little trade or money in his country, as it
consists of forests and mountains.

The caravan having arrived at the foot of the high
mountains, known to-day by the name of Nagar-

1 ;£45> a verY high price indeed for a country pony nowadays.

2 See p. 259 ». It is Nupal in the original.

3 The finest elephant I ever saw I met on its way down the Grand
Trunk Road to Calcutta from Nepal. It was a gift from Sir Jang
Bahadur to Lord Mayo.

264 TRAVELS IN INDIA book hi

kot,1 which one cannot cross in less than nine or ten
days, as they are very high and narrow, with great
precipices, — numerous people descend from diverse
places, the majority being women and girls, who come
to strike a bargain with the people of the caravan, to
carry the men, goods, and provisions to the other side
of the mountains. This is the method by which they
carry them. The women have a strap on the shoulders
to which a large cushion hanging on the back is
attached ; upon it the man seats himself.2 It takes
three women, who change in turns, to carry a man ; and
as for the baggage and provisions, they are loaded on
goats which carry up to 150 livres weight each. Those
who desire to take horses into these mountains are
often obliged, in the narrow and difficult passes, to
haul them up with ropes ; and it is, as I have said, on
account of this difficulty that but little use is made of
horses in this country. They are fed only in the
morning and evening. In the morning a pound of
flour, half a pound of black sugar and half a pound of
butter, are mixed together with water to give to the
horse. In the evening it must be contented with a
few horn peas, crushed and steeped in water for half
an hour ; in this consists all their food during the
space of twenty-four hours. The women who carry
the men only receive 2 rupees each, for the ten days of
traverse, and as much is paid for every quintal that
the goats or sheep carry, and for every led horse.

After passing these mountains there are to be had,
for carriage to Bhutan, oxen, camels, and horses, and

1 See p. 256, n.

2 In some parts of the Himalayas women still offer themselves for
carrying travellers on their backs.

chap, xv DRESS AND CUSTOMS OF THE HILLMEN 265

even pallankeens 1 for those who wish to travel more
at their ease. The country is good, and produces
corn, rice, vegetables, and wine in abundance. All
the people, both men and women, are clad during the
summer in coarse cotton or hempen cloth, and during
the winter in a thick cloth which is like felt. The
headdress for both sexes is a cap made very like those
English caps which they call bouquin- kans? and it
has pigs' teeth around it for ornament, with round and
square pieces of tortoiseshell of the size of one of
our 1 5 sol coins ; the richest persons add to them
beads of coral or yellow amber, of which the women
also make necklaces. The men, like the women, wear
bracelets on the left arms only, and from the wrist to
the elbow. Those worn by the women are very
narrow, but those worn by the men are two fingers
wide. They wear a silken cord on the neck, to which
a bead of coral or yellow amber is suspended, or a
pigs tooth, which hangs down to the waist ; and on their
left side they have bands from whence more of these
same beads of coral, amber, or pigs1 teeth hang in strings.
Although they are great idolaters they eat all kinds of
meat, except that of the cow, which they worship as the
mother and nurse of all men, and they are very fond
of spirits. They also observe some of the Chinese
ceremonies ; for, after having fed their friends, when
the repast is finished they burn yellow amber, although
they do not worship fire like the Chinese. I have
elsewhere given the reason why the Chinese burn

1 Probably a modified form of pallankcen, suitable for hill travelling.

2 I have not found a full explanation of the term. Bouquin means
an old book-cover. The caps of felt worn in these regions are somewhat
similar to what used to be called " pork pie " hats a few years ago in
England.

266 TRAVELS IN INDIA book hi

amber at the conclusion of their feasts ;* this causes
this article to have a good sale in China. In Patna,
even, pieces of yellow amber which are not worked, of
the size of a good nut, clear and of good colour, are
bought by these BhutAn merchants at 35 and 40
rupees the seer, and the seer, both for amber, as also
for ambergris, musk, coral, rhubarb, and other drugs, is
equal to 9 onces (Fr.) of our weight. Saltpetre, corn, rice,
sugar, and other articles of food, are also sold by seers
in Bengal ; but this seer is 72 of our livres at 16 onces
to the livre, and 40 seers make a maund, which would
amount to 2880 livres weight of Paris.2 When I left
that country the maund of rice was selling for 2 rupees.
To return to the yellow amber, for a piece of a seer
or 9 onces (Fr.) weight, according to its colour and
beauty, from 250 to 300 rupees is paid, and the other
pieces cost the same in proportion to their size and
beauty.8 Coral in the rough or worked into beads is
saleable with sufficient profit, but the rough is much
preferred, for this reason, that it can be cut according
to their own fashion ; and most frequently women and
girls are employed at this work. They also make
beads of crystal and agate, and the men make the
bracelets of tortoiseshell and sea shells, as also those
small pieces of the same shell, both round and square,
of which I have spoken above.* All the people of the

1 See Book II, chap, xxiii, p. 137.

! This is an extraordinary jumble of figures. A seer of 72 livres,
40 of which went to the maund, making a maund of 2880 livres, is
surely due to a copyist's mistake. It is possible that a Bengal maund
of 40 seers may have been equal to 7 2 livres, or more than double the
Sural maund of 40 smaller seers = 34 livres (see voL i, p. 418), but
the statement as it stands is clearly wrong.

s Seep. 137. * See p. 261.

chap, xv SEMENCINE OR WORM POWDER 267

north, men, women, girls, and boys, suspend them
from their hair and ears. There are in Patna and
Dacca more than 2000 persons who occupy themselves
with these trades, all that is produced by them being
exported to the Kingdoms of Bhutan, Assam, Siam,
and other countries to the north and east of the
territories of the Great Mogul.

As for the semencine,1 or worm powder, it cannot
be harvested like other grains. It is a herb which
grows in the fields, and must be allowed to die, and
the evil is that when it approaches maturity the wind
causes a great part to fall among the herbage, where
it is lost, and this it is which makes it so dear. As
it cannot be touched by the hand, because it would
thereby be sooner spoilt, and even when making a
sample, it is collected in a porringer ; when it is wished
to gather what remains in the ear, the following is the
method adopted : The people who collect it have two
baskets with handles, and when walking in the fields
they wave one of these baskets from right to left, and
the other from left to right, as though they cut the
herb, which nevertheless they only touch the upper
part of — that is to say, the ear, and all the grain thus
falls into the baskets. Semencine also grows in the
Province of Kerman,2 but it is not so good as that of
Bhutan, and there is not more of it than is required
in the country itself. This grain not only serves for
driving worms from the bodies of children, but the
Persians and all the people who live towards the north,
and even the English and Dutch, use it as aniseed to
put in comfits.

As for rhubarb, it is known to be a root which is cut

1 Seep. 259. * Kumaon?

268 TRAVELS IN INDIA book hi

in pieces, ten or twelve of them being strung together
and then dried.

If the people of Bhutan had as much skill as the
Muscovites in slaying the martin one might obtain from
this country an abundance of rich furs, since there are
numbers of these animals. As soon as the animal
shows its head outside its hole the Muscovites, who are
on the watch, shoot it without fail, generally in the nose
or the eyes, for if it is shot in the body the skin will
be worth nothing on account of the blood which flows
from the wound, and causes the hair moistened by it to
fall out.

The King of Bhutan always employs 7000 or
8000 men as his guard. These people are armed with
the bow and arrow, and the majority also carry the
axe and shield, the former having a point on one side
like a war mace. It is a long time since the Bhutânese
first acquired the use of the musket, iron cannon,
and gunpowder,1 which is of long grain, and is very
strong. I have been assured that there is to be seen
on their guns figures and letters which are more than

1 In his paper on Early Asiatic Fire Weapons General Maclagan
says, " While there appears to be no good evidence in support of the
idea that Asia had a knowledge of gunpowder and used firearms before
Europe, there are plain indications that the knowledge of the most im-
proved weapons of war, both before and since the introduction of gun-
powder, and the skill to make and use them, came from Europe to India
and other Asiatic countries." Jour. Asiatic Society of Bengal^ vol. xlv,
p. 64. He concludes, too, that there is not good evidence of the sup-
position that the Arabs were the first to use powder. He considers
the European nations were the first to discover its most important form
and application (p. 70). Were space available, much interesting infor-
mation might be given here of the huge size of the guns which were
used in India. One at Bijapur was 4 feet 8 in. diameter at the muzzle,
and had a calibre of 2 feet 4 inches. It was cast at Ahmadnagar in
1549. Asiatic Jour. 1827, p. 65.

chap, xv THE KING OF BHUTAN 269

500 years old.1 They cannot be taken out of the king-
dom without the express permission of the Governor,
and no one dare carry away a musket unless his nearest
relatives go bail that it will be faithfully returned.
Except for this difficulty I would have brought one
away with me. By the characters which were on the gun,
as those who were able to read assured me, it had been
made 180 years. It was very thick, the mouth shaped
like a tulip, and the interior polished like a mirror. On
two-thirds of the gun there were bands in relief, and
some gilt and silvered flowers between two of them,
and the ball which it carried was an once (Fr.) in weight.
The merchant of Bhutan being so particular about the
return of the musket, no matter what offer I made I
could never persuade him to sell it to me, and he even
refused to give me a sample of his powder. But I
have brought to France two guns of nearly the same
kind, one of which was made in the island of Ceylon,
and the other in Bengal.

There are always fifty elephants about the house of
the King of Bhutan for his guard, and twenty or twenty-
five camels, which carry on the saddle a small piece
of artillery, with a ball of about half a pound in weight.
There is a man seated on the crupper of the camel, as
I have elsewhere described, and he manipulates this
piece as he pleases, high or low, to the right or to the left,
it being fixed on a fork which is attached to the saddle.

There is no king in the world who is more feared
and more respected by his subjects than the King of
Bhutan, and he is even worshipped by them. When
on the seat of justice, or when he gives an audience,
all those who present themselves before him have their

1 This carries back to the year A.D. 1 1 50 or thereabouts. See p. 277.

270 TRAVELS IN INDIA book hi

joined hands elevated to their foreheads, and holding
themselves aloof from the throne, prostrate themselves
to the ground without daring to raise the head. It is
in this humble posture that they make their supplica-
tions to the King, and when they withdraw they walk
backwards till they are out of his presence. The
Brahmins make these poor people believe that the
King is a god upon earth, and principally those who
come from the north.1 . . .

These people of Biiutàn are robust men and of fine
stature, but have somewhat flat faces and noses. I am
informed that the women are taller and more vigorous
than the men, but that they are more subject than them
to goitre, from which few of them escape. They know
nothing of war, and have no one to fear but the Great
Mogul. But on his side, which lies to the south of
them, it is, as I have said, a country of high mountains
and narrow passes ; on the north there is nothing but
forests and almost perpetual snow, and both on the
east and west there are vast deserts where one finds
nothing but bitter waters ; and whatever there is of in-
habited country belongs to Rajas who have not much
power.

There is apparently some mine of silver in the
Kingdom of Bhutan,2 for the King coins pieces which

1 It seems probable that this so-called King of Bhutan, who was
described to Tavernier, was really the Grand Lama of Thibet, and this
is the more likely from the statement as to his sanctity in the passage
which is not reproduced, being unsuitable for publication. A similar
statement occurs, I am informed, in other early but quite independent
accounts of the Grand Lama. The armaments and elephants mentioned
above seem, however, to be scarcely compatible with the surroundings
of the Grand Lama.

2 This is extremely probable ; but it is inconsistent with our author's
own statement on p. 162 that there are no silver mines in Asia except

chap, xv RUSSIAN EMBASSY TO CHINA 271

are of the value of rupees. These pieces are not round
but octagonal, and there are characters on them which
are neither Indian nor Chinese. Nevertheless, the
merchants of Bhutan, who told me at Patna of all
these things, could not tell me where the mine was,
and as for gold the little they have of it is brought to
them by the merchants who come from the east.

This is all that I have been able to learn concern-
ing the Kingdom of Bhutan, beyond which the ambas-
sadors passed whom the Duke of Moscovie sent to
China in the year 1659. They took their route through
the length of Great Tartary to the north of Bhutan,
and arrived at the court of the King of China with
considerable presents. They were some of the most
distinguished nobles of Moscovie, and were at first
very well received. But when it became necessary for
them to salute the King — the custom being to prostrate
oneself three times on the ground — they would not
consent to do so, saying that they would salute accord-
ing to their own method, and in the manner that they
saluted their own Emperor, who was as great and
as powerful as he of China. As they remained firm in
this resolution they had no audience, and returned with
their presents without having seen the King.1 It
would have answered better if the Grand Duke had

in Japan. Ainslie (Materia Medica, vol. i, 563) gives a number of refer-
ences to authorities on the subject. Silver mines in the Patkâi country,
between Assam and Upper Burmah, have been recently described by
Colonel Woodthorpe. (See Pro. Geogl. Socy.t January 1887.) A number
of mines where argentiferous ores occur in India will be found enume-
rated in the chapter on silver in the Economic Geology of India.

1 Envoys to the Emperor of China about the year 713, who refused
to kotows were tried and pronounced worthy of death, but were subse-
quently pardoned. See Cathay and the Way Thither^ vol i, p. lxxxi.

272 TRAVELS IN INDIA book hi

chosen for this embassy some persons of lower rank
than these three nobles, who would have shown them-
selves less scrupulous about formalities, which are often
the cause of ones being unable to accomplish great
designs. If these Moscovite ambassadors had con-
sented to conform to the customs of China (which they
might have done without compromising the honour of
their master), we should have, without doubt, at this
time, a road opened by land from Moscovie to China,
through the north of Great Tartary, and a greater
knowledge of the Kingdom of Bhutan, which is in its
vicinity, and of some others of which we scarce know
the names ; this would have been a great advantage
for all Europe.1

As I have just spoken of the Moscovites, I re-
member that in my journeys, and particularly on the
road from Tabriz to Ispahan, where you generally
meet Moscovite merchants, several of them have
assured me that in the year 1654, in one of the towns
of Moscovie, a woman aged eighty-two gave birth to
a male child, which was taken to the Grand Duke,
who wished to see it, and had it brought up at his own
court.2

1 This passage is of considerable interest when regarded in connec-
tion with the subsequent extension of Russia's influence in this direction,
and our own hitherto futile attempts to establish a regular trade route
through Thibet

2 This tale, thrown in as an extra, may have an interest for the
curious. There are undoubtedly cases on authentic record of the ordi-
nary period of child-bearing having been abnormally prolonged, but
whether to so advanced an age as eighty-two I cannot say.

CHAPTER XVI

Concerning the Kingdom of Tipperah

Some persons believe up to this hour that the Kingdom
of Pegu bounds China, and I myself shared this error
until three merchants of the Kingdom of Tipperah
drew me out of it. They made themselves pass as
Brahmins in order that they might be treated with
special respect, but they were in truth only merchants
who came to Patna and Dacca, where I saw them,
to buy coral, yellow amber, tortoise-shell, and sea-shell
bracelets, and other toys which, as I have said in the
preceding chapter, are made in these two towns of
Bengal. I saw one of them at Dacca, and met the
two others at Patna, and had them to dine with me.
They were people who spoke but little, whether
because it was their own particular nature, or was the
usual custom of their country ; one of them knew the
Indian language. When they bought anything they
made their calculations with small stones resembling
agates, and of the size of the finger nail, upon which
there were figures. They each had scales made like
steelyards. The arms were not of iron, but of a
kind of wood as hard as bresil,1 and the ring which

1 The Brazil wood of commerce is at present derived from Cœsalpina
Brasiliensis, a native of Pernambuco. (See Lindley, Vegetable Kingdom,

VOL. II T

274 TRAVELS IN INDIA book hi

held the weights, when put in the arm to mark the
livres, was a strong loop of silk. By this means they
weighed from a dram up to ten of our livres. If all the
inhabitants of the Kingdom of Tipperah resemble
these two merchants whom I met at Patna, one might
conclude that this nation loves drinking very much ;
and I experienced a pleasure in giving them some-
times spirits, sometimes Spanish wine, and other kinds
of wines, as those of Shiraz, Rheims, and Mantua,
never having been without a supply in all my journeys,
except during the last, in the deserts of Arabia, which
I was unable to traverse in less than sixty-five days,
for the reasons I have elsewhere stated. I should
have been able to learn many things from these
merchants of Tipperah in reference to the nature
and extent of their country if they had known how
to give me as good an account of it as they did of
my good wine when I proposed a health. For my
interpreter had scarce finished paying them a compli-
ment, on my behalf, before the wine was drunk, and
they gazed at one another while smacking their lips,
and striking their hands two or three times on their
stomachs with a sigh. These merchants had, all three,
come by way of the Kingdom of Arakan, which lies
to the south and west of that of Tipperah, which is
partly bounded by Pegu in the direction of winter
sunset, and they told me that they were about fifteen
days in traversing their country, from which one
cannot very well estimate its extent, because the

p. 550.) But according to Col. Yule this name was originally applied
to a dye-wood obtained from a tree of the same genus indigenous to
India, and the name was simply transferred to the American product.
(See Anglo-Indian Glossary^ p. 86.)

chap, xvi TIPPERAH 275

stages are unequal, being sometimes longer and some-
times shorter, according as water is to be found.

For the conveyance of goods they use, as in India,
oxen and horses, which are similar to those I have
described above, low in stature, but otherwise excellent.
As for the King and the great nobles, they travel
in pallankeens, and have elephants which have been
trained for war. The inhabitants of Tipperah are not
less troubled by goitre than are those of Bhutan. I
was told that it attacked some of the women on the
breasts. Of the three men from Tipperah whom I
saw in Bengal, the one who was at Dacca had two
goitres, each of the size of the fist ; they are caused
by the bad water, as in many other countries of Asia
and Europe.

Nothing is produced in Tipperah which is of
use to foreigners. There is, however, a gold mine,
which yields gold of very low standard; and silk, which
is very coarse.1 It is from these two articles that the
Kings revenue is derived. He levies no revenue
from his subjects, save that those below the rank,
corresponding to that of the nobility of Europe, have
to work for him for six days every year either in the
gold mine or at the silk. He sends both the gold
and silk to be sold in China, and receives silver in
return, with which he coins money of the value of 10
sols} He also coins small gold money like the aspres*

1 Tipperah, as now understood, does not produce gold — the gold
brought from thence may have been originally obtained elsewhere
(see p. 1 57 n). In Assam, I believe, it was once the custom for the Rajas
to require their subjects to wash for gold for a certain number of days
every year. Regular gold washers were taxed.

2 These coins were therefore worth çd.

8 The Turkish asper was both a small coin, and a money of account

276 TRAVELS IN INDIA book hi

of Turkey, and has two kinds of them, of one of which
it takes four to make an ecu, and of the other it takes
a dozen. This is all I have been able to ascertain
concerning a country which has been unknown to us
up to the present, but about which we shall hereafter
have more information, as also of others which the
accounts of travellers have made known to us, all not
having been discovered In a day.

Its value varied with that of the piastre. It therefore represented
about a halfpenny in value, if there were So to 100 in a piastre.
The coins here mentioned by Tavernier were worth is. ijd. and 4Jd.
respectively.

CHAPTER XVII

Concerning the Kingdom of Assam

It was never properly known what, the Kingdom of
Assam was till after that great Captain Mir Jumlà, to
whom I have often referred in the history of the
Moguls, had assured the Empire to . Aurangzeb by
the death of all his brothers and the imprisonment of
his son. He concluded, that, the war being finished,
he would be no longer esteemed at Court as highly
as he had been when Commander- in -'Chief of the
armies of Aurangzeb, and all powerful in the Kingdom
where he had a great number of supporters. In order,
therefore, to retain for himself the command of the
troops, he resolved to undertake the conquest of the
Kingdom of Assam, where he knew he would not
meet with much resistance, the country having had
no war for 500 or 600 years, and the people being
without experience in arms. It is believed that it is
this same people who, in ancient times, first discovered
gunpowder and guns, which passed from Assam to
Pegu, and from Pegu to China ; this is the reason why
the discovery is generally ascribed to the Chinese.
Mir Jumlà brought back from this war numerous
iron guns, and the gunpowder made in that country is
excellent. Its grain is not long as in the Kingdom

278 TRAVELS IN INDIA book hi

of Bhutan, but is round and small like ours, and is
much more effective than the other powder.

Mir Jumlâ left Dacca then with a powerful army
for the conquest of the Kingdom of Assam.1 At
5 leagues from Dacca one of the rivers which comes
from the lake of Chiamay,2 which like other rivers of
India takes different names according to the places it
passes, joins an arm of the Ganges, and at the place
where these two rivers meet there are forts on each
side, both being armed with good pieces of bronze
cannon, which shoot at a level with the water. This
is where Mir Jumlà embarked,8 his army ascending
the river to the 29th or 30th degree, where the frontier
of Assam is situated, and thence he led it by land
through a country abounding with all the necessaries
of life, and with but little means of defence, especially
as the people were taken by surprise. As they are
all idolaters, the army, which consisted wholly of
Muhammadans, did not spare their pagodas, but
destroyed them wherever they met with them, burning
and sacking all, up to the 35th degree.4 Mir Jumlà
then heard that the King of Assam was in the field
with a larger number of forces than had been expected ;

1 An account of Assam at the time of its conquest by Mir Jumlâ
in 1663, based on the Alamgir ndmah of Muhammad Kazim-ibn-
Muhammad Amin Munshi, by Kaviraj Syâmal Dâs, translated by
Bâbu Râmâ Prasâdâ, has recently been published in the Indian
Antiquary for July 1887, pp. 222-226.

2 Lake Chiamay was a myth believed in by early travellers.

3 Gorâghât on the west bank of the Karatoyâ river in the District
of Dinajpur, an ancient city now marked by ruins, according to
Muhammad Kazim, was the starting point of Mir Jumlâ on the 21st
November 1662. This was after he had conquered Kuch Bihar.

4 The Mogul forces can scarcely have gone beyond Garhgâon, or
about the 28th degree of latitude, at the farthest.

chap, xvii ASSAM 279

that he had many guns, and an abundance of fireworks,
similar to our grenades or nearly so, which are fixed
at the end of a stick of the length of a short pike, as
I have elsewhere represented, and carry more than
500 paces.1 Mir Jumlà, having received this intelli-
gence, did not consider it prudent to advance farther,
but the principal cause of his return was that the cold
season had commenced, and in order to conquer all
that country it would have been necessary to go as
far as the 45th degree of latitude ; this would have
involved the loss of his army. For the Indians are
so susceptible to cold, and fear it so much, that it is
impossible to make them pass the 30th, or at the most
the 35th degree, except at the risk of their lives, and
of all the servants whom I took from India to Persia,
it was a great thing for them to come as far as Kasvin,2
and I never succeeded in taking any of them to Tabriz.
As soon as they saw the mountains of Medea covered
with snow I had to allow them to return home.

As Mir Jumlà was unable to go farther north, he
resolved to turn to the south-west, and laid siege to a
town called Azoo,8 which he took in a short time, and
found great riches there. Many are of opinion that
his original design was merely to take this town and
to pillage it, and afterwards return, as he in fact did.4

1 Rockets (see vol. i, p. 390.)

2 Casbin in the original.

3 Azoo or Koch Hâ'jo, a kingdom on the left bank of the Brahma-
putra river, extending up to Kâmrup. The town of Hâ'jo was on the
frontier of Assam. A full account of it will be found in the Padishah-
ndmah. (See Blochmann m Jour. A. S. Soc. Bengal, vol. xli, p. 53.)

4 Muhammad Kazim says that Mir Jumlà', finding his army tired of
the difficulties with which they were surrounded, " Came to terms with
the Assamis (on the 17th January 1663), who, besides surrendering two
districts, which were added to the crown lands, gave 20,000 tolas of

280 TRAVELS IN INDIA book hi

It is in this town of Azoo that the tombs of the Kings
of Assam and of all the members of the royal family
are situated. Although the Assamese are idolaters,
they do not burn the bodies of the defunct, but bury
them. They believe that after death they go to
another world, where those who have lived well in this
world lack nothing, and enjoy all kinds of pleasure ;
while, on the contrary, those who have lived badly, and
have taken the property of others, suffer much, prin-
cipally hunger and thirst, and that, accordingly, it is
prudent to bury something with them to serve them
at need. Thus it was that Mir Jumlà found such a
quantity of riches at Azoo,1 since for many centuries
every King has had built for himself in the great
pagoda a sort of chapel where he was to be buried,
and during their lifetime, each of them sent, to be
placed in the grave where he was to be buried, a
quantity of gold and silver, carpets and other articles.
When the body of a dead king is buried in his grave
all his most precious possessions are also placed there,
as a private idol of gold or silver which he worshipped
during life, and all things which it is believed will be
required by him in the other world. But that which
is most strange, and which savours much of barbarism
is, that as soon as the King is dead, some of his most
beloved wives and the principal officers of his house
kill themselves by means of a poisoned decoction, in

gold, 128,000 rupees in hard cash, 120 elephants, and the King's
daughter to the conqueror. He then returned to Bengal via Lakhughar
and Kajli, and reached Khizarpur on the 8th April 1663 A.D., where he
paid the debt of nature after suffering for a time from consumption "

(I.e., p. 223).

1 Muhammad Kazim says 90,000 rupees worth of gold and silver
was obtained by Mir Jumlâ's soldiers from these graves (I.e. 225).

chap, xvii ASSAM 281

order to be interred with him, so that they may serve
him in the other world. Besides which an elephant,
twelve camels,1 six horses, and numerous sporting dogs
are buried with him, it being believed that all these
animals will come to life again, after they are dead, in
order to serve the King.

This Kingdom of Assam is one of the best countries
in Asia, for it produces all that is necessary to the life
of man, without there being need to go for anything
to the neighbouring States. There are mines of gold,
silver, steel, lead, and iron,2 and much silk, but it is
coarse. There is a kind of silk which is produced on
trees, and is made by an animal having the form of
our silkworm, but it is rounder and remains for a whole
year on the trees.3 The stuffs which are made of
this silk are very brilliant, but soon fray and do not
last long. It is in the southern direction where these
silks are produced, and that the gold and silver mines
are situated. The country also produces an abundance
of shellac, there are two kinds of it. That which is
formed on trees is of a red colour, and is what they dye
their calicoes and other stuffs with, and when they
have extracted this red colour they use the lac to
lacquer cabinets and other objects of that kind, and to

1 Muhammad Kazim gives a similar account, but does not mention
camels. Elsewhere he states camels were unknown in Assam (i.e.
p. 224). The climate of Assam does not suit camels.

2 Muhammad Kazim says, u Gold and silver are got from the sand
of the rivers draining the Gol {i.e. northern circle). About 12,000
Assamis according to some people, 20,000 as others state, are generally
engaged in washing these noble metals, and have to pay one tola of gold
per head per annum to the Chief " (I.e. 224). See Economic Geology of
India,) p. 231, for details as to the gold of Assam. See also ante, p. 162,
where it is stated incorrectly that there are no silver mines in India.

3 Tusser silkworms ? but their silk is remarkably durable.

282 TRAVELS IN INDIA book in

make Spanish wax.1 A large quantity of it is ex-
ported to China and Japan, to be used in the manu-
facture of cabinets ; it is the best lac in the whole of
Asia for these purposes. As for the gold, no one is
permitted to remove it out of the Kingdom, and it is
not coined into money, but is kept in large and small
ingots, which the people make use of in local trade,
not taking it elsewhere ; but as for silver, the King
coins it into money of the size and weight of rupees,
and of an octagonal shape, and they may be taken
outside the Kingdom. Although the country abounds,
as I have said, with all things necessary to life, among
all articles of food the flesh of the dog2 is espe-
cially esteemed, it is the favourite dish at feasts, and
every month, in each town in the Kingdom, the
people hold markets where they only sell dogs, which
are brought thither from all directions. There are
also quantities of vines and good grapes, but no wine,
the grapes being merely dried to distil spirits from.
Finally, as regards salt, there is none in the Kingdom
but what is manufactured, which is done in two ways.8
The first is to collect vegetable matter which is found
in stagnant water, such as ducks and frogs eat. It is
dried and burnt, and the ashes derived from it being
boiled and strained as is described below, serve as salt.

1 See p. 2 1 for account of shellac and lac dye.

2 Muhammad Kazim says the Nanaks (Nagas ?) eat the flesh of dogs,
cats, serpents, etc. {I.e. p. 224). The Nagas, I think, still eat dog's
flesh.

3 The chief sources of supply of salt in Asia were formerly the brine
springs at Bornât and Sadiyâ in Lakhimpur. The vessels used in the
manufacture for boiling the brine were simply sections of bamboos,
which were pared so thin that the percolating moisture prevented their
burning. Imported salt is now largely used in Assam. (See Economic
Geology of India, p. 491.)

chap, xvii ASSAM 283

The other method, which is that most commonly
followed, is to take some of those large leaves of the
kind of fig tree which we call Adam s fig,1 they are
dried in the same manner and burnt, and the ashes
from them consist of a kind of salt which is so pungent
that it is impossible to eat it unless it is softened, this
is done in the following way. The ashes are put into
water, where they are stirred about for ten or twelve
hours, then this water is strained three times through
a cloth and then boiled. As it boils the sediment
thickens, and when the water is all consumed, the salt,
which is white and fairly good, is found at the bottom
of the pot.

It is from these ashes of fig leaves that in this
country the lye is made to boil silk, which becomes as
white as snow, and if the people of Assam had more
figs than they have, they would make all their silks
white, because white silk is much more valuable than
the other, but they have not sufficient to bleach half
the silks which are produced in the country.

Kemmerouf2 is the name of the town where the
King of Assam resides, it is twenty-five or thirty days'
journey from that which was formerly the capital of
the Kingdom and bore the same name. The King
takes no tribute from his people, but all the mines of

1 This manufacture of salt from the leaves of the plantain is men-
tioned by Muhammad Kazim, I.e. p. 224. (See ante, p. 4.) The
pungency is probably due to the presence of potash salts.

2 Karnrup, now known as the name of a District in Assam of which
Gauhâti is the chief town. It is certain that Mir Jumli was defeated
by the Ahàms here, and this was the seat of the Ahâm Viceroy, but
the King of Assam's capital was at Garhgàon (Karganv) in the Sibsâgâr
District. The palace is described in Robinson's Descriptive Account of
Assam. According to Muhammad Kazim, who also describes it, its
circuit was 1 kos and 14 chains ( = 840 yards.)

284 TRAVELS IN INDIA book hi

gold, silver, lead, steel, and iron belong to him, and
in order not to oppress his subjects, he only employs
the slaves whom he buys from his neighbours for work-
ing in the mines.1 Thus all the peasants of Assam
are at their ease, and there is scarcely any one who has
not a separate house in the middle of his land, a
fountain surrounded by trees, and even the majority
keep elephants for their wives. These idolaters,
unlike those of India, who have but one wife, have
four, and when a man marries one, in order that there
may be no dispute among them, he says to her, " I
take you to serve me in my household for this pur-
pose," and to another, " I destine you for another," and
thus each of these women knows what she has to do
in the house. The men and women are of fine build,
and of very good blood ; but the people dwelling on
the southern frontier are somewhat olive coloured, and
are not subject to goitre like those of the north. The
latter are not of so fine a build, and the majority of
their women have somewhat flat noses. These people
of the southern part go about naked, having only a
piece of calico with which they cover that which
modesty requires them to conceal, with a cap like those
English caps, around which they hang an abundance
of pigs' teeth.2 They have their ears pierced so that
one might easily pass the thumb through the holes,
some carry ornaments of gold in them and others of
silver. The men wear their hair down to their
shoulders, and the women leave it as long as it can

1 This may have been true of the silver mines, but as above stated
subjects had to wash for gold.

2 Muhammad Kazim says : " A head-piece of gunny (goni\ a cloth
round the loins, and a sheet over the shoulders, form all the articles of
their dress" (I.e., p. 225).

chap, xvii ASSAM 285

grow. There is in the Kingdom of Assam, as well as
in the Kingdom of Bhutan, a large trade in tortoise-
shell bracelets, and sea shells as large as an eggf which
are sawn into small circles, but the rich wear bracelets
of coral and yellow amber. When a man dies all his
relatives and friends should come to the interment, and
when they place the body in the ground they take off
all the bracelets which are on their arms and legs and
bury them with the defunct.

/

CHAPTER XVIII
Concerning the Kingdom o/Siau

The greater part of the Kingdom of Siam is situated
between the Gulf of the same name and the Gulf of
Bengal, adjoining Pegu on the north and the peninsula
of Malacca on the south. The shortest road and the
best which Europeans can take to reach this Kingdom
is to go from Ispahan to Hormuz, from Hormuz to
Surat, from Surat to Golconda, and from Golconda
to Masulipatam, where they should embark for
Denouserin,1 which is one of the ports of the Kingdom
of Siam. From Denouserin to the capital town, which
bears the name of the Kingdom, there are about thirty-
five days' journey ; one part is traversed by ascending a
river, and the remainder in a cart or upon elephants.
The road both by land and water is uncomfortable,
because on the land portion one must always be on
guard against lions 2 and tigers ; and by water, as the
river makes rapids in many places, it is difficult to
make the boats ascend, which is nevertheless accom-
plished by^ the aid of machinery. It is the route

1 This appears to be Tenasserim, which, however, was included in
the Kingdom of Pegu, though at times conquered and held by Siam.
(See Anglo-Indian Glossary^ Art " Tenasserim.")

2 There are no lions in Siam.

chap, xvi'ii S I AM 287

which I recommended, on the return from one of my
voyages to India, to three bishops whom I met on the
road. The first was the Bishop of Beryte,1 whom I
met at Ispahan ; the second the Bishop of Mega-
lopolis,2 when crossing the Euphrates ; the third the
Bishop of Heliopolis,8 who arrived at Alexandretta
as I was leaving it for Europe. The whole of Si am
abounds with rice and fruits, the principal of which
are called mangues, durions, and mangoustans} The
forests are full of deer, elephants, tigers, rhinoceros,
and monkeys, and everywhere is to be seen an
abundance of bamboos, which are large and very tall
canes, hollow throughout, and as hard as iron.

At the ends of these canes you find nests, of the
size of a man's head, suspended ; they are made by ants
from a fat earth which they carry up. There is but a
small hole at the base of these nests, by which the ants
enter, and in these nests each ant has his separate
chamber, like honey bees. They build their nests on
the canes, because if they made them on the ground,
during the rainy season, which lasts four or five months,
they would be exterminated, all the country being then
inundated. One must take precautions after night-fall
against snakes. There are there some snakes which
are 22 feet long and have two heads,5 but the head at

1 Beyrout, in Syria.

2 Metellopolis of Finlayson, Mission to Siam, p. 257.

8 Heliopolis or Bambyke, near Carchermish on the Euphrates.
Le Blanc identifies Hieropolis with Aleppo {Voyages, Paris Edition,
1648, p. 8).

4 Mangoes, Durians, and Mangosteens.

5 This fable of two-headed snakes is common in India ; sometimes
it is said of the Daman snake — Ptyas mucosus. The statement that
the head, at the tail end, has no movement, and that the mouth does not
open, is a charmingly ingenuous admission. Like the case of the birds-

288 TRAVELS IN INDIA book hi

the extremity which answers to the tail, and where
the snake ends, does not open the mouth and has no
movement.

There is also in Siam a very venomous animal
which is not more than a foot long. Its tail is forked
and has two points, and its form is somewhat like what
we picture the salamander.1

The rivers of this Kingdom are very beautiful, and
the one at Siam is of nearly uniform size throughout.2
The water in it is very wholesome, but it is full of
crocodiles of enormous size, which often devour men
who are not on their guard.8 The rivers are in flood
during the time that the sun traverses the northern
signs ; this contributes much to the fertility of the
land where the waters spread themselves, and where,
by a wonderful provision of nature, the ear of rice
ascends to the surface as the waters rise.4

Siam,6 the capital town of the Kingdom, and the
ordinary residence of the King, is surrounded by walls,
and is more than 3 of our leagues in circuit. It is on

of-paradise, referred to on p. 15, the description illustrates the persistency
of myths.

1 This poisonous, forked-tailed reptile was certainly mythical. A
species of Eublepharis t is called bishkhuprâ by the natives of India, and
though unprovided with fangs is believed to be very poisonous.

2 The principal rivers of Siam are the Menam, Mekong, Meklong,
Petriu, Tachin, and the Chantibun (Crawfurd, Dictionary).

3 The Siamese take their revenge by eating crocodiles' eggs.

4 The period of floods is during the south-west monsoon, from June
to November, and the plain fertilised by them has an area of 6750
geographical square miles.

5 Bankok, on both banks of the Menam river, 24 miles from the
sea, is the present capital of Siam. The old capital, called Siam or
Yuthia, or Ayuthia, from Sanskrit Ajudya, is 54 miles farther to the
north ; it was destroyed by the Burmese in 1 768, and Bankok was
founded in 1 769 (Crawfurd, Dictionary).

chap, xviii SIAM 289

an island, the river surrounding it on all sides ; canals
might easily be made through all the streets if the
King were willing to expend on that work a part of
the vast amount of gold which he lavishes on the
temples of his idols.

The Siamese have thirty-three letters in their
alphabet ;a they write as we do, from left to right, or
contrary to the people of Japan, China, Cochin-China,
and Tonquin, who write from the right hand to the
left, and from the top of the page to the bottom.

All the common people of this Kingdom are in
slavery either to the King or to the nobles. The
women cut their hair like the men, and their garments
are not very copious. Among the civilities which the
Siamese observe towards one another, one of the prin-
cipal is never to pass any one to whom respect is due,
without previously asking permission ; this is done by
elevating both hands. The richest have many wives,
as is the case in the Kingdom of Assam.

The money of the country is of silver and nearly of
the shape of a musket bullet.2 The lowest denomina-
tion consists of small shells, which are brought from
the Manillas. There are good tin mines in Siam.8

1 The Siamese alphabet contains 20 vowels and 43 consonants — in
all, 63 distinct characters. The language consists of two dialects — the
court and the vulgar. The sacred language is distinct, being Pali or
Prakrit (Crawfurd, Dictionary).

- The coins here referred to are probably those which our author
figures in his chapter on coins (p. 22 of the original Paris edition of
1676). Whether this peculiar form has ever been explained I am
unable to say, but it most undoubtedly imitates the curious-shaped
coco-de-mcr^ or double cocoanut of the Seychelles islands, for which
fabulous prices were given in the Malayan countries and India. (See
Anglo-Indian Glossary for an account of this cocoanut.)

3 Tin is obtained in four of the provinces, which extend from Lat.
8° to Lat 1 30 ; and it is also obtained in the tributary Malay States.

VOL. II U

290 TRAVELS IN INDIA book in

The King of Siam is one of the wealthiest monarchs
in the East, and he calls himself in his edicts King of
heaven and earth, although he is a tributary to the
Kings of China. He shows himself but rarely to his
subjects, and only gives audience to the principal
persons of his court, strangers having no admission
to his palace. He confides the government to his
ministers, who very often make ill use of the authority
with which they are invested. He only shows himself
in public twice in the year ; this he does with much
splendour. The first time is in order to go in state to a
pagoda which is in the town,1 the tower of which is gilt
throughout, both inside and outside. It contains three
idols, which are from 6 to 7 feet high, and are made of
massive gold ; and by means of liberal alms to the poor,
and presents to the priests of these false gods, he
believes that he makes himself pleasing to them. He
goes there accompanied by all his court, and displays
all his richest possessions. Among other indications
of magnificence there are 200 elephants in Siam, one
of them being white ; and it is so highly esteemed
by the King that he glories in calling himself
"the King of the white elephant."2 These elephants
live for several centuries, as I have elsewhere remarked.8

The second time that the King goes forth in public
is for the purpose of visiting another pagoda, which is

1 This pagoda, or the one next referred to, is probably the one
still standing, though much ruined, near Yuthia ; it is 400 feet high,
and has a gigantic gilt bronze statue of Buddha. It is said to have
been built in the year 1387 A.D. (Crawfurd, Dictionary),

2 In the year 1821-22 the envoys from the Governor-General of
India found five white elephants in the possession of the King. Finlay-
son gives an interesting account of them (Mission to Siam, p. 154).

3 See vol i, p. 279.

chap, xviii SIAM 291

5 or 6 leagues from the town up the river. No one
can enter this pagoda save the King and his priests.
As for the people, as soon as they see the door of it
each one must throw himself with his face to the
ground. On this occasion the King appears on the
river with 200 richly gilt and decorated galleys of an
enormous length, each having 400 rowers. As this
second sortie of the King happens in the month of
November, when the river begins to fall, the priests
make the people believe that it is the King alone
who is able to arrest the course of the waters by the
prayers and offerings which he makes in this pagoda ;
and these poor people persuade themselves that the
King goes to cut the waters with his sword, to dismiss
them and order them to retire into the sea.

The King goes, moreover, but on this occasion
without any state, to a pagoda which is in the island
where the Dutch have their factory. There is, at the
entrance, an idol seated after the manner of our tailors,
having one hand on one of his knees and the other at
his side. It is more than 60 feet high,1 and around
this large idol there are more than 300 others of
different sizes, which represent all kinds of attitudes of
men and women.2 All these idols are gilt, and there
is a prodigious quantity of these pagodas in all the
country. This results from the fact that there is no
rich Siamese who does not have one built to perpetuate
his memory. These pagodas have towers and bells,

1 This was one of the famous images of Buddha. Perhaps it is
that which is referred to in a previous note, which ought, therefore, to
refer to this second pagoda, which the King was in the habit of visiting.

2 It is possible that this is a mistake, as images of women are, I
think, not to be found in these pagodas. But some of those of Buddha
have an effeminate appearance.

292 TRAVELS IN INDIA book hi

; and the walls inside are painted and gilt, but the win-

j dows are so narrow that they afford but little light.

1 The altars are laden with costly idols, among which

there are generally three of different sizes close to one
another.1 The two pagodas to which, as I have
said, the King goes in state, are surrounded by many
beautiful pyramids, all well gilt ; and that which is in
the island where the Dutch have their house has asso-
ciated with it a cloister, the façade of which is very
fine. In the middle there is, as it were, a great chapel
all gilded within, where a lamp and three wax candles
are kept alight in front of the altar, which is covered
with idols, some being of fine gold and the others of
gilt copper. The pagoda, which is in the middle of
the town, and is one of the two which the King visits
once in the year, as I have related, contains nearly
4000 idols, and it has around it, as has that which is at
6 leagues from Siam, a quantity of pyramids, the beauty
of which causes one to wonder at the industry of this
nation.

When the King appears all the doors and windows
of the houses have to be closed, and all the people
prostrate themselves on the ground without daring tc
raise their eyes towards him. As no one should be ir
a place more elevated than the King when he is passing
through the streets, all those who are in their house!
must descend. When his hair is cut one of his wivei
is employed on that duty, as he does not allow a barbe
to place a hand upon him. This prince is passionateh

1 Vast accumulations of figures of Buddha characterise thes
temples, even those which are deserted. The well-known seated an
recumbent figures of Buddha, made of marble or lacquered wood, whic
are brought to Europe, have generally been obtained from déserte
pagodas in Burmah or Siam.

chap, xviii SIAM 293

attached to certain elephants, which he supports as the
favourites and ornaments of his kingdom. When they
are sick the greatest nobles of the court show the
utmost care for them in order to please their sovereign ;
and when the elephants die, as much magnificence is
displayed for them as at the funerals of the nobles of
the Kingdom. These funerals of the nobles are con-
ducted in the following manner : — A kind of mausoleum
is adorned with reeds covered on both sides with paper
of many colours. As all kinds of scented wood are
sold by weight, as much as the body weighs is placed
in the middle of the mausoleum, and after the priests
have finished pronouncing some benedictions they burn
the whole to ashes. Those of the rich are preserved
in urns of gold or silver, but as for those of the poor
they are cast to the winds. As for criminals who have
finished their lives with a disgraceful death, the
Siamese do not burn their bodies, but bury them.

The King authorises public women, but they have
to live in their own separate quarter, under a chief who
protects them from insult from any one. When one
of them dies her body is not burnt as is that of a re-
spectable woman, but is thrown into a place where it
becomes the food of dogs and crows.

It is estimated that there are in this Kingdom more
than 200,000 priests called Bonzes? who are held in
great veneration both by the court and by the people.
The King himself regards some of them with such awe
as to humiliate himself in their presence. The extra-
ordinary respect which every one shows them has in-

1 This is the ordinary term to denote the priests of Buddha in Si am.
Its origin is said to be somewhat obscure. (See Anglo-Indian Glossary,
Art. "Bonze.")

/

294 TRAVELS IN INDIA book hi

spired in them, sometimes, so much pride, that some of
them have pushed their desires as far as the throne.
But when the King discovers anything of the kind he
takes their lives, as was the case some time ago in a
rebellion, the author of which was a Bonze, whom the
King executed.

These Bonzes are clad in yellow, and wear on their
loins a small red cloth as a waistband. They make
an outward show of great modesty, and one never sees
them manifest the smallest degree of passion. At four
o'clock in the morning they rise at the sound of bells
to say their prayers, and they do the same towards
evening. There are certain days of the year when
they withdraw from the conversation of men to live in
retreat. Some live on charity, and others have well-
endowed dwellings. As long as they wear the garb of
Bonzes they cannot possess wives, and they must re-
linquish it if they desire to marry. They are for the
most part very ignorant, and know not what they be-
lieve. It appears, however, that like the idolaters oî
India they believe in the transmigration of the soul
into many bodies. It is forbidden to them to take the
lives of animals ; nevertheless, they make no scruple
about eating animals which others have slain, or have
died naturally.1 The god whom they worship is a
phantom, of whom they speak blindly, and they are so

1 I have heard a story, which may be a libel, of Burmese chasing
fowls till they died of exhaustion, by which kind of " killing no murder n
they believed they had not done wrong, though they ate the fowls.
The Burmese are always glad to dispose of any animal a sportsman
may shoot, and will even eat snakes if he kills them.

The King of Burmah (A va), it is said, used to keep sheep, one of
which would conveniently die whenever meat was required at the palace.
(See The Prisoner in Burmah, H. Gouger, London, i860, p. 52.)

chap, xviii SIAM 295

obstinate in maintaining their gross errors that it is
difficult to cure them of them. They say that the God
of the Christians and theirs are brothers, but that
theirs is the elder. If any one asks them where their
god is they reply that he has disappeared, and that
they know not where he is.

As for the standing army of the kingdom, it consists
mainly of infantry, which is fairly good. The soldiers
are inured to fatigue, and have for sole garment a piece
of calico to cover the middle of the body. All the re-
mainder of the body — the chest, back, arms, and thighs
— are uncovered, and the skin, which is all cut (tattooed),1
as when one applies cupping-glasses, represents many
kinds of flowers and animals. After the skin is cut and
the blood has flowed from it, these figures of flowers
and animals are rubbed in with whatever colours are
wished for ; and one would say, on seeing these soldiers
from a distance, that they were clad with some flowered
silken stuff or painted calico, for the colours once
applied never fade. They have for arms bow and
arrow, musket and pike, and an azagaye? which is a
stick of 5 or 6 feet long, tipped with iron at the end,
which can be hurled with skill against ah enemy.

In the year 1665 there was in the town of Siam
a Neapolitan Jesuit called Father Thomas. He forti-
fied the town and the King's palace, which is on the
margin of the river, and he had previously erected good
bastions on both sides. It was on account of this that
the King allowed him to dwell in the town, where he
had a small church with a house where M. Lambert,
Bishop of Beyrout, went to lodge on arriving in Siam.

1 As is well known, tattooing is a fine art in Siam.

2 Assegai, (See p. 161, for etymology of the word)

296 TRAVELS IN INDIA book hi

But these two did not long remain on good terms
together, and the Bishop found it advisable to have a
separate chapel.

The port where vessels arrive from Cochin-China
and other places is only half a league from the town,
and as there are always some Christian sailors there,
the Bishop built a small house and a chapel there in
order to perform mass.1

1 On the whole, this must be allowed to be an excellent account of
Siam. Very probably Tavernier obtained his information from the
bishops and Jesuit priests. The reader is referred to Crawford's
Dictionary of the Malayan Islands for a valuable epitome of information
on this subject. Finlayson's Account of the Mission to Siamy London,
1826, contains an interesting account referring to a period when Siam
had scarcely been affected by European nations. On Siam as it now is,
there are numerous authorities.

CHAPTER XIX

Concerning the Kingdom of Macassar and the Dutch

Embassy to China

The Kingdom of Macassar, otherwise called the
Island of Celebes,1 commences at the 5th degree of
south latitude. The heat is excessive during the day,
but the nights are fairly temperate, and as for the land
it is beautiful and very fertile ; but the people of this
island do not know how to build well. The capital
town bears the same name as the kingdom, and is
situated close to the sea. The port is free ; and the
vessels which carry thither a quantity of merchandise
from the neighbouring islands do not pay any custom
dues. The inhabitants poison their weapons, and the
most dangerous poison which they use is made of the
juice of certain trees which grow in the island of
Borneo; they temper it according to the effect,
whether slow or quick, which they wish the poison to
produce. It is said that the King alone knows the
secret of weakening its effect, and he boasts of having
some of it so quick that there is no remedy in the
world capable of neutralising it. One of my brothers,2
whom I had taken to India, and who died there, one

1 The Island of Celebes extends from Lat. i° 45' north to 50 45'
south.

2 This was his brother Daniel. (See Introduction, vol. i, p. xii.)

298 TRAVELS IN INDIA book iii

day witnessed a remarkable proof of the quickness
with which this poison takes effect. An Englishman,
when in a rage, having killed one of the subjects of
the King of Macassar, and this Prince having forgiven
him, all the Franks, English as well as Dutch and
Portuguese, who were in Macassar, fearing if this
i murder was left unpunished the islanders would take

their revenge by attacking some of them, besought the

King to execute the Englishman, and urged him so

» strongly that at length he consented. My brother was

much beloved by the King, who invited him to take
part in all his amusements, and especially when drinking
was in question. The death of the Englishman having

| been decided on, the King told my brother that he

would not allow the victim to languish long, and in
order to prove at the same time the extraordinary
power of his poison, he would wound the criminal
himself with one of his arrows. These are small
poisoned arrows which are fired with a sampitan? and
the King, in order to show his skill, asked my brother
in what part of the body he wished him to strike the
criminal. My brother, who was anxious to see if what
the King had told him of the rapid effect of his poison
were true, asked him to strike him on the great toe of
the right foot, this the King did exactly and with

I wonderful skill. Two surgeons, one English and the

other Dutch, were ready to cut the toe well below the

V

! 1 The word is sarbatane in the original ; it means a blow-tube, or

rather the object blown through. Owing to the virulence of the poison
on the darts it is a terrible instrument of offence. Though frequently
mentioned by writers, I know of no stronger testimony of its powers
than that given by our author. As an alleged antidote stercus
humanum, diluted with water, is mentioned by Friar Odoric (see Yule's
Cathay, p. 91).

chap, xix MACASSAR 299

wound, but they were unable to accomplish it so
skilfully but that the poison, more rapid, had reached
the heart, and the Englishman died at the same
moment. All the kings and princes of the East
similarly cherish with care the strongest poisons, and
the King of Achin one day made a present of fifteen
or twenty of these poisoned arrows to M. Croke,
Envoy -General of Batavia, who was subsequently
Chief of the factory at Surat. It was already some
years since he had received these arrows without
having thought of trying them, and one day when I
was with him we shot many squirrels which fell dead
immediately on being struck.

The King of Macassar is a Muhammadan, and he
allows none of his subjects to become Christians. The
Jesuit fathers in the year 1656 had found means to build
a fairly good church at Macassar, but in the follow-
ing year the King ordered it to be thrown down, as
also that of the Dominican fathers, who performed
mass for the Portuguese traders in the kingdom.
The parochial church, which was conducted by some
secular priests, remained standing until the Dutch
attacked Macassar with a powerful fleet, and by force
of arms they compelled the King to drive all the
Portuguese out of his territories. The bad conduct of
this Prince was partly the cause of this war, to which
the Dutch were also driven by the resentment they
felt in consequence of the Portuguese Jesuits having
crossed their embassy to China. Besides which they
had committed serious outrages against the Dutch at
Macassar, having even flung on the ground the hat of
one of the envoys who had come to conclude a treaty
with the King. Thus the Dutch, unable to avoid

300 TRAVELS IN INDIA book hi

resenting this affront, resolved to unite their forces
with the Bugis} who were in rebellion against their
King, and to avenge, at whatever cost, so gross an
insult. On the other hand, as I have said, the Dutch
had been much ill-used by the Portuguese Jesuits, who
by their intrigues prevented the Deputy whom the
former sent to the King of China from accomplishing
what he desired, and it happened in this way : —

Towards the end of the year 1658 the General of
Batavia and his Council sent one of the chiefs of
the Dutch Company to the King of China. Having
arrived at the Court with splendid presents, he sought
to obtain access to the Mandarins, who are the great
nobles of the kingdom, so that by their credit he might
obtain permission to trade in China. But the Jesuits,
who knew the language and were acquainted with the
nobles of the Court, in consequence of the long so-
journ they had made in the country, in order to
prevent the Dutch Company from gaining a footing,
to the prejudice of the Portuguese nation, represented
many things to the King's Council to the disadvantage
of the Dutch. They told them that in Ceylon they
had broken the promise they had given to the King
of that island to make over to him the places which
they jointly captured from the Portuguese ; that they
were not people of good faith ; and that they had like-
wise fooled the King of Achin after the capture of
Malacca, and many other Princes in the Molucca
islands ; that after having taken, by terms of capitula-
tion, the country of some of them together with their
persons, promising to maintain them all their lives

1 Bouquins in the original. The Bugis are so called by the Malays,
their proper name is Wugi. They are the dominant race in Celebes.

chap, xix MACASSAR 301

according to their dignity, they had not treated them
with any further consideration once they got them into
their power, but had transported them as slaves to the
Island of Maurice * to cut ebony wood. All these
things and many others of the same kind having been
represented to the King s Council, the Dutch deputy
was immediately dismissed, and left China without
having accomplished anything. Having learnt from
a letter which a spy had written to him after his
departure, the bad turn which the Portuguese Jesuits
had played him, on his return to Batavia he reported
it to the General and his Council, who were much
annoyed, and resolved to take strong vengeance.
According to the accounts which the Deputy handed
in, the cost of the voyage amounted to 50,000 ecus;2
and the Council reflected on the means whereby they
could reimburse themselves with double that amount
from the Portuguese. They were aware of the trade
which the Jesuit fathers engaged in annually in the
island of Macao and the Kingdom of Macassar, and
that they fitted out on their own account as many as
six or seven vessels laden with all kinds of Indian as
well as Chinese goods. The Dutch calculated the
time when these vessels should arrive at Macassar,
and on the 7th of June 1660 there appeared at that
port two of the Company's vessels, which came in
advance to facilitate the withdrawal of the Dutch who
were on land. The Dutch fleet was composed of more
than thirty sail, and anchored at the island of Tana-
keke,8 at 7 leagues from Butagne.4

1 Mauritius. 2 ^11,250.

3 Tanahkeke, or the " Island of Sorcerers," in S. Lat. 5° 30' towards
the extreme end of the south-western peninsula of Celebes.

4 Bontaing on S. coast of Celebes.

302 TRAVELS IN INDIA book hi

The King felt compelled to defend himself against
these enemies whose power he feared, and with the
vessels of Macao, which were in the roads, sought for
some time to resist the Dutch attack. The combat
being obstinate on both sides, the Dutch divided their
fleet, and while thirteen vessels devoted themselves
to the Portuguese, the remainder incessantly battered
the fortress, which was carried without much resistance.
It is said that on this day the Dutch fired more than
7000 cannon shots, and that the King was so much
terrified that he ordered the Portuguese not to fire
any more, so as not to further irritate the enemy.
The Prince Patinsaloa died during this engagement,
and this was a great loss to the King of Macassar,
who had become formidable to his neighbours by the
diplomacy of this minister, upon whom he entirely
relied. As the vessels of Macao found themselves sur-
prised and unprepared for defence, it was not difficult for
the Dutch fleet to destroy the Portuguese ; they burnt
three of their vessels, sent two to the bottom, and took
from them a quantity of costly goods ; thus it was
that the Dutch reimbursed themselves profitably for
the cost of the deputation to China.

On the 13th of June the King of Macassar, named
Sumbaco, through fear of seeing himself reduced to
the last extremity, ordered a white flag to be hoisted
on another fortress, from whence, surrounded by his
wives, he watched the fight. During the truce which
they granted him, he sent one of the highest of the
nobles of his court to the General of the Dutch fleet
to ask for peace, which was only granted to him on
condition that he would send an ambassador to
Batavia, that he would drive all the Portuguese from

chap, xix MACAO 303

the island, and that his subjects should no longer
trade with them.

As the articles of the treaty were to be ratified
at Batavia by the General and his Council, the King
of Macassar equipped his galleys and sent there
eleven of the grandest nobles of his court with a
following of 700 men, and the chief of this embassy
was the brother of the late Prince Patinsaloa. They
were to present to the General of Batavia 200 loaves
(pains)1 of gold to redeem the royal fortress, and had
orders to submit to all the conditions which the Dutch
proposed to them, provided that they did not affect
the law of Muhammad. The General having received
this embassy, which was a great honour for him, and
profiting by the opportunity, and the good fortune of
his arms, he himself prepared the terms of the capitu-
lation, which were signed by the ambassadors of
Macassar and were strictly observed. For imme-
diately all the Portuguese left the country, some passing
to the Kingdoms of Siam and Cambodia,2 and the
remainder withdrawing to Macao and Goa. Macao,
which was some years ago regarded as one of the
most famous and richest towns of the East, was the
principal object of the Dutch embassy to China, and
as it was the best port which the Portuguese then had
in these regions, the design of the Dutch was to ruin
it completely. To-day this town, which is at the 220
of north latitude, in a small peninsula of the Province
of Canton,8 which is a part of China, has lost much
of its former renown.

1 " Loaves " of gold. (See Appendix, vol. i, p. 4 16. 200 =^9000.)

2 Camboye in the original

:l Xanton in the original. Macao is near the mouth of the Canton

304 TRAVELS IN INDIA book hi

The Jesuit fathers and the Portuguese merchants
were not recompensed by it for the disgrace which they
had experienced at Macassar, and they sustained still
another blow close to Goa. The Chief of the Dutch
factory at Vengurla, which is only 8 leagues from that
town, having heard of the ill-success of Dutch affairs
in China, thought on his side of a means to avenge
it. He was not ignorant of the fact that the Jesuit
fathers of Goa and other places in India did a large
trade in rough diamonds which they sent to Europe,
whither they carried them when returning to Portugal.
And in order to conceal this trade they used to send one
or two from among their number in the garb of Fakirs
or Indian pilgrims; this was easy for them to do,
because there are fathers among them who are born
in the country, and know the Indian language perfectly.
This garb of the Fakirs consists of the skin of a
tiger, which is worn on the back, and one of a goat
which covers the waist and hangs down to the knees.
For cap they have the skin of a lamb or of a kid, the
four feet of which hang on the forehead, neck, and ears
which are pierced, and in which they insert large rings
of crystal. Their legs are naked, and they have large
wooden sandals on the feet, and carry a bundle of pea-
cocks' feathers to fan themselves with, and drive away
the flies. One day as I was dining with the Augustine
fathers who reside at the Court of the King of Gol-
conda in company with M.M. Lescot and Raisin, one
of these Jesuit fathers who had come from Goa entered
the chamber clothed in the manner I have described.
He told us that he was going to St. Thome on the

river and belongs to the Portuguese, while Hong Kong, similarly
situated, belongs to the British.

chap, xix DIAMOND TRAFFIC BY JESUITS 305

business of the Viceroy of Goa ; upon which I remarked
that to travel throughout India it was not necessary
to disguise himself, and that other religious persons,
to whatever order they belonged, did not disguise
themselves in that manner.

The Chief of the Vengurla factory seized his
opportunity then to revenge himself on the Jesuit
fathers, and having learnt that there were two of them
going to the mines to buy 400,000 pardos1 worth of
diamonds, he gave orders to two men who purchased
some for him, that as soon as the fathers had com-
pleted their purchase they shpuld give notice of it
to the master of the customs at Bicholim.2 Bicholim
is a large town on the frontier, which separates the
territories of the King of Bijapur from those of the
Portuguese, and there is no other road but by this
place, because one cannot elsewhere pass the river
which forms the island of Salsette where the town
of Goa is built. The Jesuit fathers, believing that the
officer of customs knew nothing of the purchase which
they had made, went into the boat to cross the water,
and they had no sooner entered it, than they were
searched, and all the diamonds found on them were
confiscated.

I return to the King of Macassar, whom the
reverend Jesuit fathers strove to convert, and they
would possibly have accomplished their design, except
for a condition which he imposed on them, and which
they neglected to fulfil. For at the same time that

1 This, with the pardao at 2s., would represent a sum of ,£40,000.

2 Bicholi in the original, and called Bicholly in vol. i, p. 181, it
is now known as Bicholim, and the District bearing the name is
included judicially in Burdez in the " old conquests."

VOL. II X

306 TRAVELS IN INDIA hook hi

the Jesuits laboured to draw him to Christianity, the
Muhammadans on their side made equal efforts to
induce him to embrace their law ; and this Prince, who
wished to relinquish idolatry, not knowing well which
side he should take, told the Muhammadans to summon
two or three of their most accomplished Mullas from
Mecca, and the Jesuits also, that they should send
him an equal number of their ablest men, that he
might hear them and instruct himself thoroughly in
the respective religions ; both promised to do so. But
the Muhammadans made more haste than the Chris-
tians, and eight months afterwards, having brought two
skilled Mullas from Mecca, the King, as the Jesuits
sent no one, embraced the law of Muhammad.1 It is
true that three years afterwards two Portuguese Jesuits
arrived at Macassar, but it was too late, and the King
was no longer inclined to become a Christian.

The King of Macassar having been made a
Muhammadan, the Prince, his brother, was so annoyed
that he was unable to restrain himself from giving
signs of it by the committal of a deed which resulted in
his disgrace. As he knew that the Muhammadans had
a horror of pork, which is one of the common articles
of food of the idolaters of Macassar, as soon as the
mosque which the King built was finished, he entered
it one night, and having ten or twelve pigs slaughtered
in his presence, he had the blood sprinkled in all
directions, and both the walls and the niche where the
Mulla places himself to offer up prayers were soiled

1 This, according to Crawfurd (Dictionary)^ took place in the year
1 603 ; but the people generally did not follow his example till 1 6 1 6,
or a century after the Portuguese had been in occupation of Malacca
and the Moluccas.

chap, xix CONVERSION OF THE KING OF MACASSAR 307

with it. The King, by the laws of the religion which
he had embraced, was obliged to demolish the mosque
and to build a new one ; and the Prince, his brother,
withdrawing with some other idolatrous nobles, has
never again appeared at Court since that time.

This is all that I have been able to collect of the
most singular facts regarding the Kingdoms of the East
included in the territories of the Great Mogul and
the Empire of China, of which I also have good
memoirs ; but as I know that several persons have
written fully regarding them, I think the reader would
prefer that I should give him the result of my voyages,
and that I should only amuse him with things which
I have seen with my own eyes.

CHAPTER XX

The Autlwr pursues his journey in tlie East and em-
barks at VENGURLAyfrr Batavia ; the danger which
he runs on the sea, and his arrivât in the Islana
of Ceylon

I left Vengurla, a large town of the Kingdom ol
Bijapur, 8 leagues from Goa, on the 14th of April 1648,
and embarked on a Dutch vessel which had just
brought silks from Persia and was going to Batavia.
It had orders to stop at Bakanor1 en route, in order
to take in rice, and we arrived there on the 18th of
the same month. I landed with the captain, who
went to see the King to ask his permission to take
the rice ; this he gave willingly. It was necessary for
us to ascend by the river nearly 3 leagues, and we found
the King close to the water, where there were only
ten or twelve huts made of palm leaves. He had,
in his own, a Persian carpet spread underneath him,
and we saw there five or six women, some of whom
fanned him with fans made of peacocks' tails, and the

1 Barcoor of A.S, Barkur is an old port on an estuary on the west
coast of India, Lat. 130 2 8 J'. According to the Imperial Gazetteer it
was " the capital of the Jain Kings of Tulava . . . and subsequently a
stronghold of the Vijâyanagar Rajas. It is often mentioned by the
older travellers (see Anglo-Indian Gazetteer, p. 33).

chai», xx BARKUR 309

others gave him betel and filled his pipe with tobacco.
The most important persons of the country were in
the other huts, and we counted about 200 men, the
majority of whom were armed with bows and arrows.
They also had with them two elephants. It appeared
as if they had some retreat elsewhere, and that they had
merely come to this place to enjoy the coolness afforded
by the trees and some streams. Having left the King
and re-embarked on our boat, he sent us, as a present,
a dozen fowl and five or six pots of palm wine. We
slept the same evening, after having made a league of
way, in a hamlet where there were but three or four
houses, but we had taken with us ample provisions from
our vessel. In the morning when we were ready to
leave we saw on the river one of our pilots with three
or four young men, who came up to us and brought
the necessaries for breakfast. When they were landed
and we had commenced to eat they asked for some
tari1 or palm wine, and the owner of the hut where
we had slept offered to bring us some, which was very
good, but he told us that it was strong, and that it
might send fumes to the head. Our sailors jeered at
that because they drank it often, and some of them
had even drunk much of it without being incon-
venienced. But since you drink it as soon as it is
drawn from the tree, and do not allow it to ferment, if
you take too much you feel it ferment in the stomach.
This peasant having then brought a pot of his palm
wine, each drank of it as he felt inclined, one three
glasses, another four or five, and for myself I was con-
tented with only one, which might contain nearly half
a pint. But to tell the truth, we all suffered such

1 See vol. i, p. 158.

310 TRAVELS IN INDIA book in

severe headaches from it that we were two days before
we were able to cure ourselves. We asked the natives
of the country why this wine had thus troubled us, and
they said that it was caused by the fact that pepper
was planted around the palms, and that it was that
which gave so much strength to this wine. We were
still somewhat giddy from it when we returned on
board, where a governor of the country immediately
arrived to meet us and settle the price of the rice and
know the quantity of it which was required. It had
to be brought from some distance ; this troubled us
much, because the wind commenced to change, and the
captain was unwilling to leave, as he had not all the
cargo which he required.

During the night, between the 28th and 29th, the
wind began to change, and the pilots told the captain,
who had never before sailed along the coasts of India,
that he ought to hoist the anchor and set sail, although
we had not received our full cargo ; but the captain
would not consent, replying that we wanted water.
The wind having been strong throughout the night,
on the following day it calmed a little, and loading up
with the rice was continued. On the day after we
strongly urged the captain to leave, and as he saw
that all murmured he sent two boats to get water.
But they had scarcely reached the mouth of the river
when the wind became so furious that the sailors
hastened to return without water, this they accom-
plished with much trouble and danger of being lost.
When they came on board the two boats were tied
astern of the vessel, according to custom, and fourteen
men were put in the larger one in order to take care
of her and to prevent the waves breaking her against

chap, xx A VIOLENT STORM 311

the vessel. We desired then to begin to hoist the
anchor, but the wind became still stronger and more
adverse ; of thirty or forty men who were about the
winch more than twelve were injured by the bars, the
violence of the wind driving them backwards. The
captain, wishing also to assist in the work in order to
ease the cable, had his hand badly crushed. At length
the sea became so rough that instead of hoisting the
anchor it became necessary to put out others, as the wind
was driving us on shore. Every one then commenced
to examine his conscience, and prayed thrice in two
hours' time. By midnight we had lost all our anchors,
to the number of seven, so that not having more and
not knowing what to do further, our pilots called out
that each one should strive to save himself as soon as
the vessel touched the land, and being exhausted they
went to lie down on their beds. It was already a long
time since the captain had taken to his, on account of
the great pain which his hand gave him, as it was in a
dreadful condition. As for me, as the moon was
shining, I leant against the bulwarks of the vessel
watching how the billows urged it towards the shore.
While I was in this position the vessel touched land,
and each one believed then that it would go to pieces.
At this moment two sailors came to me to say that I
need fear nothing, and they would take precautions
to ensure our safety, but if God permitted us by His
grace to reach the land I should reward them for their
trouble. I exhorted them to do their best to save us,
and told them there would be 500 ecus ready for them
as soon as we reached the land. They were two Ham-
burghers, who had seen me previously at Bandar-
Abbas and Surat, and they well knew that I carried

312 TRAVELS IN INDIA book hi

all my goods on my person, without having need of
camels or mules to carry them. As soon as I pro-
mised them this sum they took a spar of wood of the
thickness of a man's thigh and 8 or 10 feet long,
attaching to it thick ropes in five or six places, to each
of which they allowed a length of only 3 or 4 feet
As they worked at it I kept my eyes constantly fixed
in the direction of the land, and I observed that the
vessel did not go straight as it had done previously.
I feared that it was only the darkness which made me
think so, for the moon began to set. I hastened at
once to the compass to assure myself, and I saw as a
matter of fact that the wind had altogether changed
and came from the land. Immediately I cried out to
the sailors that the wind had become favourable, and
at the same moment the boatswain, who directs all that
appertains to the vessel, made a great noise and called
all the sailors. He also hailed the fourteen men whom
they had placed in the large boat, believing that they
were there still ; but no one replied, and we saw at
daybreak that the cable had parted, and we were never
able to ascertain what had become of them. As for
the captain, he was unable to rise on account of a
severe attack of fever which the pain in his hand had
caused him. At first every one took courage, although
they were in difficulty as to how they should steer the
vessel, the top of the rudder being broken. In order
to remedy this evil the pilot set a small sail, which was
set first on one side and then on the other as he
directed, and a rope was tied to the rudder to make it
work, for it was only the socket above which was
broken, where they were consequently unable to fix
the piece (tiller) which comes on board for the steers-

chap, xx ESCAPE FROM SHIPWRECK 313

man. At length the wind blew from the north-east,
and the darker night became, on account of the setting
of the moon, the more the wind freshened and each
one gave thanks to God. We were nevertheless not
beyond all danger, because it was necessary for us to
pass three great rocks which projected above the water,
but which we were unable to see, the night being so
dark. When ships come to this port where we had
taken the rice, they do not generally pass (inside) these
rocks ; but our captain, as he had but little time to
spare for loading, brought his vessel as closely as
possible to the mouth of the river for the convenience
of those who carried the rice, who were in consequence
able to make more frequent trips. At length by God's
grace we were, at daybreak, some 3 or 4 leagues from
the land. Then we held a consultation in order to
settle what direction we should take, because we had
no anchors left. Some advised that we should return
to Goa to winter there, others that we should go to
Point de Galle, which is the first town which the
Dutch took from the Portuguese in the Island of
Ceylon, for we were about equidistant from both, and
the wind was equally favourable for both places. My
opinion was that we should not take the route to Goa,
but that for Point de Galle ; because it was to be
feared that by going to Goa the sailors, who are much
addicted to drink, would say or commit some folly
which would give an occasion to the Inquisition for
arresting them, joined to which there are in that town
many facilities for dissipation, so that when it would be
time to put to sea again, the captain would not find,
it may be, a single man in his vessel. But by going
to Point de Galle there would be no danger, it

314 TRAVELS IN INDIA book hi

would be to go to friends, and we should be able to
change to another vessel in order to continue the
voyage ; this in fact happened. However we were
always in terror lest some tempest might not come
and throw us on land, not having a single anchor
left to moor the vessel with.

Among our sailors there was, by chance, one who
had served for many years in the same vessel, who
said that certainly there was at the bottom of the hold
a very heavy anchor, but that it had only one arm.
Although we desired to get it, we foresaw great difficulty
on account of the quantity of goods which were in the
vessel. Nevertheless it was resolved to move the
whole, and four or five very skilful carpenters, who had
worked at the house at Gombroon for the Company,
and were returning to Batavia, said that if they could
only get up the anchor they would fix it so as to work
as well as if it had two arms. This they did, and in
two days both the anchor and the rudder were in a
condition to serve us. It cost three or four cases of
Shiraz wine, which were distributed to all those who
assisted in removing the goods and getting out the
anchor — for the purpose of inciting them to work well.

Eight days afterwards we found that we were off
Point de Galle, and we took in some of our sails in
order to gain the port, one of the worst in all India,
on account of the rocks, which are at a level with the
water in many places. It is for this reason that as
soon as a vessel is sighted at sea the Governor-General
sends two pilots to direct and bring her into port.
But as we had both weather and sea sufficiently
favourable, the captain and pilots, who had never
been there before, not realising that we had passed

chap, xx POINT DE GALLE 315

the reefs, which they thought were nearer to land, and
seeing that no pilot came to bring the vessel into port,
turned to sea again ; this caused much surprise to the
Governor and the pilots, who did not come out because
they saw that we had passed the danger. The wind then
commencing to change, drove us 9 or 10 leagues out to
sea, and consequently we were two or three days beat-
ing about before we could remake the port. If the
wind had driven us a little farther to sea we should
have been obliged to go to winter at Masulipatam, in
the Gulf of Bengal. At length the pilots of Point de
Galle having come out for us, we entered the port
and landed on the 1 2th of May. I immediately went
to visit the Governor Madsuere,1 who is at present
General at Batavia, and he did me the honour to
invite me to eat always with him during the sojourn
which I made there.

I did not find anything remarkable in this town,
and there remains scarcely anything but the ruins,
and mines, and the marks which the cannons made
when the Dutch besieged it and drove away the
Portuguese. The Company gave land and sites for
building to those who wished to dwell there, and had
already erected two good bastions, which command
the port. If it had accomplished the design which
it then formed, it would have made of this town a fine
place.

The Dutch, before they had captured all the settle-
ments which the Portuguese had in the Island of
Ceylon, from whence they have been entirely driven,
persuaded themselves that the trade of this island
would yield them enormous sums if they were sole

1 In the edition of 17 13 he is called Masudere.

316 TRAVELS IN INDIA book hi

masters. This might have happened if they had kept
to the agreement which they had made with the King
of Kandy — who is the King of the country — when
they began to make war with the Portuguese. But
they broke faith with him, and that gave them a very
bad character in these parts.

The treaty with the King of Kandy was so drawn
that this King was always to be in charge of the passes,
with 18,000 or 20,000 men, to prevent the reinforce-
ments which might come from Colombo, Negombo,
Manar, and many other places which the Portuguese
held along the coast. And the Dutch were to bring
in their large vessels as many troops as were sufficient
to besiege Point de Galle both by sea and land.
They agreed, also, with the King of Achin that he
should hold the coast with a sufficient number of small
armed frigates, as he always maintained a good number
of them.

The Dutch, having taken the town, began to repair
some breaches, seeing which the King of Kandy sent
to know when he might come there to receive pos-
session of it. For it had been agreed in the event
of the Dutch taking the town that they would give it
back to the King, who by way of recompense was to
give them a certain quantity of cinnamon every year,
and, in case of necessity, to aid them as far as he was
able. The Dutch replied to what the King had com-
municated to them, that they were willing to hand
over the town to him provided he paid them the costs
of the war, which they said amounted to many millions ;
but if he had possessed three kingdoms like his own
he could not have paid half the sum. In truth money
is scarce in that country, and I do not believe that the

chap, xx CEYLON ELEPHANTS 317

King has ever seen a sum equal to 50,000 ecus l at one
time. His whole trade consisted in cinnamon and
elephants ; but since the Portuguese have been in
India he has derived no profit from either. As for the
elephants, that is a small matter, for only five or six
are captured in a year ; but at the same time those of
Ceylon are more highly esteemed than all the elephants
of other countries, because they are more courageous
in war ; and there is not a King in India who does
not desire to have one. There should be related here
a thing which it is possible one may have a difficulty
in believing, but it is nevertheless quite true ; it is that
when any king or noble possesses one of these Ceylon
elephants, and when there is brought into its presence
some other one from the places where the merchants
obtain them, as Achin, Siam, Arakan, Pegu, the
Kingdom of Bhutan, the Kingdom of Assam, the
territories of Cochin and the coast of Melinda,2 as
soon as these latter elephants see one of Ceylon, by a
natural instinct they pay it reverence by placing the ends
of their trunks on the ground, and then elevating them.

8

1 ;£i 1,250.

- This reference to Melinda would seem to imply that the African
elephant was domesticated in Tavernier's time (see vol. i, p. 277).

3 Sir Emerson Tennent, alluding to the common belief that Tavernier
had made a statement to this effect, adds that "a reference to the
original shows that Tavernier's observations are not only fanciful in
themselves but are restricted to the supposed excellence of the Ceylon
animal in war" This statement is simply incomprehensible, since
Tavernier's original passage, which is here translated, is quoted in full in
a footnote on the same page (A7atsHist. Ceylon, pp. 209, 2 1 o.) (See ante,
Book I, chap, xviii, p. 278.) Fryer also says that the Ceylon elephants
exact homage from all others, which prostrate themselves submissively
before them {Account, Calcutta Edition, p. 169). In reference to the
fact that the elephants of Sumatra have points of affinity with the Ceylon
variety, it has been suggested that the original stock of the Sumatra ele-

s

I

4

V

318 TRAVELS IN INDIA book hi

It is true that the elephants which the great nobles
keep, when brought before them to be examined
whether they are in good condition, make a sort of
salute thrice with their trunk. This I have often seen ;
but they are trained to it, and their masters teach them
to do so when young.

The King of Achin, with whom the Dutch failed
to keep their promise, had other means for revenging
himself than the King of Kandy, because the Dutch
were not allowed to ship the pepper which comes from
his territories ; for a long time he refused them permis-
sion, and even declared war upon them ; and without
this pepper their trade could not prosper.

It is the kind of pepper which we call "small," and
all Orientals prefer it, because without skinning or
crushing they place it whole on their plates of rice, as I
have elsewhere said.1 At length the Dutch were com-
pelled to agree with the King of Achin, and ambas-
sadors were sent from one side and the other for this
purpose. He who arrived on behalf of the King at
Batavia, was treated with much magnificence. When
he was about to depart the General and all his Council
entertained him splendidly, and the ladies sat at table
— this surprised this Muhammadan ambassador very
much, who was not accustomed to see women drink
and eat with men. But that which astonished him still
more was that at the end of the repast, after having
drunk many healths, they drank that of the Queen of

phants was introduced in the domesticated condition from Ceylon. It is
on record that some elephants sent as a present to the Sultan of Sulu (or
Soolo) by the East Indian Company, as he was unable to maintain
them, were let loose on Cape Unsang in Borneo. (See Hornaday, Two
Years in the Jungle -, p. 220.)
1 See p. 1 4.

chap, xx THE KING OF ACHIN 319

Aciiin, who ruled the state during the minority of the
King, her son. And in order to honour him still more,
the General desired Madame la Générale to kiss the
ambassador. The King and Queen of Achin did not
receive the ambassador who was sent to them from
Batavia less well. He was M. Croc, who for fifteen
years suffered from a languishing sickness ; and it was be-
lieved that some one had administered to him some kind
of slow poison. On the occasion of the third audience
which he had with the King, who knew that he had lived
for so long a time in languor and without appetite, he
asked him if he had ever formerly kept any girl of the
country, and how he had left her, if by mutual agree-
ment or whether he had sent her away by force. He
admitted that he had left one in order to get married
in his own country, and that since that time he had
always been languishing and indisposed, upon which
the King said to three of his physicians, who were by
his side, that having heard the cause of the ambas-
sador's sickness he would give them fifteen days to cure
him, and that if they did not accomplish it in that time
he would cause them all to be executed. These
physicians having replied that they would answer to
him for the cure of the ambassador, provided he con-
sented to take the remedies which they would give
him, M. Croc resolved to consent. They gave him in
the morning a decoction, and in the evening a small
pill, and at the end of nine days a great fit of vomiting
seized him. It was thought he would die of the strange
efforts which he made ; and at length he vomited a
bundle of hair as large as a small nut, after which he
was at once healed. Subsequently the King took him
to a rhinoceros hunt, and invited him to give the

320 TRAVELS IN INDIA book in

mortal shot to the animal. As soon as it was killed they
cut off the horn, which the King also presented to the
ambassador ; and at the conclusion of the hunt there
was a great feast. At the end of it the King drank to
the health of the General of Batavia and his wife, and
ordered one of his own wives to kiss the ambassador.
On his departure he presented him with a pebble of
the size of a gooses egg, in which large veins of gold
were to be seen as you see the tendons in the hand of
a man, and it is thus that gold occurs in this country.

M. Croc, when at Surat as chief of the factory,
broke the pebble in two, and gave half to M. Con-
stant, who, subordinate to him, held the highest
authority there, to whom, when he was returning to
Holland, I offered 1 50 pistoles for it in order to present
it to the late Monseigneur le Duc d'Orléans, but he
would not consent to part with it.

CHAPTER XXI

Departure of the Author from the Island of Ceylon,

and his arrival at Batavia

On the 25th of July1 we left Point de Galle on a
different vessel from that upon which we had arrived,
because, on its being examined, it was found that it
could not make the journey without danger. Accord-
ingly, all the goods were discharged from it and tran-
shipped to that in which we embarked for Batavia.

On the 2d of June2 we crossed the line, and on
the 6th reached the island called Nazacos.8 On the
17th we sighted the coast of Sumatra, on the 18th
the island of Ingagne,4 and on the 19th the island of
Fortune. On the 20th we saw several other small
islands, and the coast of Java, and among these
islands there are three which are called Prince's
Islands. On the 21st we saw the island of Bantam,
and on the 2 2d we anchored in the roads at Batavia.

1 The July of the original and the June of the edition of 17 13
appear to be both wrong, as the month must, I think, have been May.

2 In the 17 13 edition this is given, I think incorrectly, as July —
June appears to be correct

3 Not identified, but it may be remarked that nusa is Javanese for
a small island, and like pulo is used as a prefix to the true name.
(Crawfurd, Dictionary),

4 Not identified ; perhaps it may be for Indragiri, a Malay State on
the coast of Sumatra.

VOL. II Y

322 TRAVELS IN INDIA book hi

On the following day I landed, and went to salute
General Vanderlin and M. Carox l the Director-
General, who was the second person in the council.

On the 25th, two days after my arrival, the General
sent one of his guards to invite me to dinner, where
there were assembled, M. Carox, two other coun-
cillors, the Avocat- Fiscal, the Major, and their wives.
Whilst we were at table they conversed about the
news from foreign countries, and principally of the
court of the King of Persia, and after dinner some
began to play at backgammon, while awaiting the cool-
ness in order to take exercise outside the town by the
river s bank, where there are very fine places for bath-
ing. As for the General, he went to his office, where
he asked me to accompany him. After some conver-
sation on indifferent matters he asked me for what
purpose I had come to Batavia. I told him that I had
principally come to see so renowned a place ; and
having had an opportunity of doing service to the
Company at the request of the Chief of the factory at
Vengurla, I had been led to undertake the voyage,
as he might see for himself by the letter which he
had written to him. I told him, at the same time,
as the Commander of Vengurla had requested me, of
the discovery which had been made by a caravel of
Portugal, which a storm had driven into a bay situ-
ated 30 leagues from the Cape of Good Hope, as I
have related at length in the description of the town
of Goa.1 The Commander thought that the General

1 M. Caron was afterwards appointed Chief of the French Company
at Surat. (See Imperial Gazetteer ', vol. iv, p. 451.)

2 See Book I, chap, xiv, p. 2 1 6, for accounts of this discovery. The
details there given are somewhat different

chap, xxi THE GENERAL AT BATAVIA 323

would be able to send a small vessel there from Batavia,
and that by conveying the news I would do a service to
the Company ; and it was also with this in view that he
offered me a passage in the vessel which was in the roads
at Vengurla. After I had finished my account of the
matter to the General, he thanked me somewhat coldly,
as being a thing of small importance, although I have
since learnt that he sent to seek for the bay, but the
vessel was unable to find it. After about half an hour's
interview I left him in his office, into which three
councillors entered at the same moment, and as I
left he said that if I would wait for a little we
should go together to promenade outside the town. I
then joined Madame la Générale, and the other ladies
who were keeping her company, and one hour after-
wards two trumpets commenced to sound. The
General and Madame, with four of the wives of the
councillors, entered a carriage with six horses, and
the councillors rode on horseback. I was allotted a
horse with Persian saddle and bridle, the furniture of
which was very beautiful. There are always forty or
fifty saddle-horses in the stables of the General, for
there is not a vessel that does not bring him some,
either from Arabia or Persia or other places. A com-
pany of cavalry marched in front of the General's
carriage, each dragoon having a collar of buffalo skin
and long scarlet hose with silver lace, the hat with a
bundle of plumes, the great scarf with a fringe of silver,
the sword-guard and spurs of massive silver, and all
the horses had very beautiful trappings. Three
bodyguards marched at each door carrying halberds,
and being well clad. Each had a doublet of yellow
satin, and the upper part of the hose of scarlet covered

324 TRAVELS IN INDIA book hi

with silver lace, and below with yellow silk, and very
fine linen. Behind the carriage there marched a com-
pany of infantry, besides another which went an hour
or two in advance to clear the way. As for the coun-
cillors, when they move about, as well as when they
are in their houses, they have each two musketeers
for their guard, and when they wish for horses the
General's equerry sends them what they require. They
have also their small boats in order to row about either
on the sea, the river, or on the canals, where each
of them has his garden. Our promenade was not
long, the reason being that when leaving the fort two
vessels were seen approaching, no one being able to
say what they were. As the General and councillors
were impatient to hear the news, they returned to the
fort sooner than they had intended ; and as soon as we
had re-entered I took leave of the General, the coun-
cillors, and the ladies, and withdrew to my lodging.

During three or four days I received numerous
visits, this caused me no small expenditure, because
custom requires that when any one comes to see you
you offer him wine. One hundred ecus are soon spent ;
for a pint of wine, of about Paris measure, holds but
four glasses. Spanish wine, when cheap, costs an ecu
at Batavia, Rhine and French wine cost two, and one
must pay 40 sols for a pint of beer, whether English or
of Broncevimont.1

The greatest joy known to the people of Batavia
is experienced when vessels come from Holland, for
they bring all kinds of drinks, which the publicans buy
from the Company, it being permitted also to every

1 These prices in English money were, for Spanish wine, 4s. 6d. ;
for Rhine and French wine, 9s. ; and for a pint of beer, 3s.

chap, xxi DRINKING HABITS AT BATAVIA 325

•

private person to buy them. But be it that they find
more pleasure in drinking at the publichouses than in
their own houses, be it that it is more convenient to
them, when they wish to amuse themselves together, they
generally make all their rejoicings in these places. It
is a time of great festival when these new drinks arrive,
and you meet women and girls in the streets who
wager you for a pint or two of wine or beer. Whether
one loses or gains, out of honour one never allows the
women to pay, and there come others in addition at
the same time to whom the occasion demands you
should drink their healths. This often empties the
purses of young people.

CHAPTER XXII1

Concerning an affair which was raised, unseasonably
for the Author in the Council at Batavia

There are two Councils in Batavia, the Council of
the fort, at which the General presides, where the affairs
of the Company are discussed ; and the Council that
sits in the Town Hall, and deals with the police and the
minor disputes which arise among the citizens. M.
Faure, one of the members of this Town Council, was
among the number of those who came to visit me on
my arrival, and during the space of nine or ten days
he, together with one of his friends, was with me four
times. Both spoke frequently of M. Constant, who
had been commander at Gombroon, and was for
many years the second person of the factory at Surat,
where he had amassed much wealth. He had often
trusted me with a part of it, and we had always been
good friends. One day, as I was about leaving Surat
in order to go to the diamond mine, he asked me to
purchase (diamonds) on his account to the extent of
1 6,000 2 rupees worth, giving me a letter of credit for

1 This chapter is omitted in the English Translation by John
Phillips, bijt an abstract of its contents is included in chapter xxl

2 ^1800. (See Index for further accounts of this traffic carried on
by Ta vernier on behalf of the Dutch officials.)

At a later period we find English officials engaging in the same trade.

chap, xxii M. CONSTANTS DIAMONDS 327

that sum at Golconda, where it was paid to me, and I
invested it as he desired. I expected on my return to
find him at Surat ; but during my journey he had
received orders to start for Batavia at once, and as
soon as he got there he married the widow of General
Vandime and went with her to Holland. I was
much surprised on my return to Surat to find that he
had left without giving orders to any of his friends,
whether Dutch or English, to receive what I had for
him, and send it to him by one of the vessels which
go to England. Having remained at Surat about
two months, and wishing to travel, in order not to risk
what M. Constant had entrusted to me I placed the
whole in the hands of Sir Francis Breton, who was
the second person in the factory of the English
Company at Surat, who, at M. Constant's request,
afterwards forwarded it to him in Holland. I
had previously asked the Dutch Commander, named
Arnebar, to be good enough to take charge of this
parcel, he being a friend of M. Constant ; but he
excused himself altogether, telling me that if the
General or Council at Batavia came to know that he
had such a thing in his hands they would treat him as
a receiver who had not declared, in other words, he
would be deposed from his office and all his property
confiscated.

One day, then, while I was at Batavia, M. Faure,
whom I have just mentioned, came to see me with

(See Colonel Yule's recently published account of the Pitt diamond in
Hedges Diary \ Hakluyt Society.) Another Pitt, who was Governor of
Madras from 1698 to 1709, namely, George Morton Pitt, appears to
have been somewhat notable, also, for his private trade in diamonds.
(See Kistna Manual \ p. 106 «.,' and Wheeler's Madras in the Olden
Time, p. 505.)

328 TRAVELS IN INDIA book in

three others, bringing a large bottle of Rheims wine
and another of English beer. For my part I had
contributed a collation, and as we began to drink they
asked me if I had not heard the news of M. Constant
which had come by land while I was at Surat ; to
which I replied that I had not received any, neither
by sea nor land, since he had left Batavia. They
expressed surprise at this reply, and told me that
they were much astonished, that having been such
great friends, and having done such considerable trade
together which lasted still, he had not made me
acquainted with his news. I saw from the first that
they were come with no other design than to seek to
discover whether I had with me the parcel of diamonds
which I had bought at the mine for M. Constant, or
whether I had left it with some Dutchman to send
to him. I thought it advisable to remove this doubt
from their minds, and that unless I did so they would
be unable to drink the wine they had brought,
with comfort. Without keeping them longer in
suspense, therefore, I told them that I was astonished
that they had not spoken to me of this matter on the
first occasion when they had done me the honour to
visit me, and I perceived clearly that they wished to
know if the last time I had been at the diamond mine
M. Constant had not given me a commission to buy
for him ; that they need not have brought wine for that
purpose to make me drink, because I was altogether
different from the majority of men, who speak much
and say more than they know when they have drunk,
but, as for me, it is then I talk least ; nevertheless,
since I desired to satisfy them, so that they might not
have any regret for'their good wine, I would tell them

chap, xxii M. CONSTANTS DIAMONDS 329

the truth frankly. It is true, then, I told them, that M.
Constant not only gave me a commission to buy him
a parcel of diamonds, but he has also given me money
to pay for them, and I purchased them for 16,000
rupees. I had no sooner finished speaking than M.
Faure, turning to the three others, " Gentlemen/' said
he, "you will bear me witness that M. Tavernier has
16,000 rupees worth of diamonds for M. Constant,
which he left me an order to receive when he parted for
Holland." I replied to him without disturbing my-
self, that if he wished for them he would have to run
after them, but that I did not believe he would over-
take them ; that it was more than six months since I
had dispatched them by land, and that I was much
surprised at his having taken this commission, and
wondered how M. Constant and he could have known
that I would go to Batavia. I saw that it annoyed
him to find that he had not got what he expected, and
as they did not wish to drink any more they all four
departed.

On the following day, early in the morning, an
officer of the Company handed me a summons, which
cited me to appear at 1 1 o'clock before the council of
the town, where the Avocat Fiscal was present to take
the case in hands on behalf of the Company. I did
not fail to be present at the Town Hall at the hour
indicated, when, immediately, these gentlemen made
me enter, and with great compliments asked me if it
was true that M. Constant had asked me to make
an investment in diamonds to the amount of 16,000
rupees, and also where they were. I said that as
regards the purchase of the diamonds I had indeed
made it, but that I knew not where they were, because

330 TRAVELS IN INDIA book hi

more than six months had elapsed since I had for-
warded them to him from Surat by land. Upon that
these gentlemen of the law delivered sentence, by
which it was affirmed that it was not for M. Faure to
mix in the matter, but it was for the Avocat Fiscal to
follow it up ; that at that time M. Constant was in
the Company's service, and that, without having de-
frauded, he could not out of his wages have amassed
so large a sum. At this mention of his having de-
frauded the Company I was unable to prevent myself
from laughing ; this astonished them, and the President
of the Council asked me why I laughed. I told him
that it was at seeing that he was astonished at the
fact that M. Constant had defrauded the Company
of 16,000 rupees, and that if he had only carried off
so much, it would have been a small matter, adding
that there was scarcely a servant of the Company who
had held the offices which M. Constant had held,
and had enjoyed the opportunity of trading, as he
had, without fear of the Fiscal, who had not at least
made 100,000 ecus} There were two or three in the
Council, then present, who were uneasy at hearing me
talk in this way, as these remarks particularly affected
them. For to say the truth, the commanders and
those subordinate to them in authority in the factories
know well how to appropriate large sums for their
own benefit, to the great detriment of the Company ;
and as they cannot do so without having an under-
standing with the broker, he does the same on his
own account, those below him also taking what they
can. I made an estimate once of all the money of
which the Company is defrauded on the trade in each

1 £22,500.

chap, xxii FRAUDS BY DUTCH OFFICIALS 331

factory, and I ascertained that as they annually defraud
it in all the factories taken together to the extent of
1,500,000 or 1,600,000 livres? they have abundant
opportunity for consoling themselves. For to speak
but of Persia alone, I have known commanders who,
both by the sale of spices and on the purchase of silks,
have placed apart for themselves in one year more
than 100,000 piastres} They practice marvellous
artifices which it is difficult for the Company, especially
the directors and shareholders of the Company, who
are in Holland, to discover. For, as regards the
commanders in India, the fact must become very
patent before the General of Batavia and his council
have recourse to law, and most frequently the com-
manders close the mouth of the Avocat Fiscal, to
whom they make a present which amounts to more
than the third part which would come to him if
all were confiscated, another third belongs to the
Company, and the other to the Hospital. Thus all
passes in silence, for there is not one of these com-
manders who has not his patron at Batavia, to whom
he sends valuable presents yearly, joined to which
there is not one of these gentlemen of the council
who has not done the same himself. Moreover, if
any one who is cognisant of an injury done by a
commander to the Company reports it to the General,
he is certain never to be appointed to any factory,
and sooner or later an opportunity is found for remov-
ing him from the office which he holds, and he is sent
as a soldier to some island to end his life miserably.

As for the trade which these commanders do on
their own account, there is no one who knows better

1 ^112,500 tO ;£l20,000. * ^22,500.

332 TRAVELS IN INDIA book hi

about it than the poor sailors, who being sometimes very
badly treated by the commanders themselves, or the
officers of the vessels, when they go on shore re-
port to the chief of the factory that such an one has
so many bales of goods on his private account. Most
frequently the chief of the factory, who knows his part,
sends to advise the person to whom the goods belong
to have them removed, and to arrange to have them
carried on shore by night. In order to give him time
to discharge all, the informer is so well supplied with
drink that he is drunk for one or two days, and when
all has been removed the commander goes to the
vessel to make an examination, well assured that he
will find nothing. Then the poor sailor or soldier, for
the falsehood which they force him to believe he has
told, is severely punished, his wages are confiscated,
and in most cases he is sent for three or four years to
work on the galley which goes to load up with stones.
There are, then, some of these commanders who have
defrauded the Company, and have returned to Holland
with great booty, having 400,000 or 500,000 livres1
worth of diamonds, pearls, ambergris, and other goods
which occupy but small space. For if all is not well
concealed, and if the Company is able to discover it,
it is lost for them, and their wages are confiscated.
But they have wonderful ways for escaping, even
when they have bulky goods, as calicoes and other
things which occupy much space, for all cannot go
to the places where diamonds are to be purchased, and
moreover they more frequently experience loss than
gain by carrying them, while on coarse goods there
is always much profit to be made.

1 £30,000 to £37,5oo.

chap, xxii FRAUDS BY DUTCH OFFICIALS 333

As the captain and other officers of the vessel
strive to do private trade as well as the commanders,
knowing that it will be difficult to take their goods
out of the vessels without being discovered, they some-
times discharge them on the coast of Norway, making
believe that it is bad weather which has driven them
thither. Moreover, when the Dutch are at war with
the English, they send vessels of war to meet those
coming from India, and into these vessels those who
wish to defraud the Company tranship their bales of
goods, before arriving in Holland. They also have
recourse, for the same purpose, to the fleet of herring
fishers when they meet them. In short, there is no
kind of artifice of which they do not make use.
But when the Company entertains a suspicion that
any one has exceeded, it orders the commanders to
undress and put on other clothes, and more than once
diamonds have been found in those which were taken
off. In conclusion, it has been remarked that the
majority of those who have defrauded the Company
and have returned to Holland with great wealth have
not left their heirs any the richer ; all this wealth
being, as it were, evaporated in a few years. This
proves that wealth ill-acquired does not profit.

Returning to the affair which had been stirred up
against me at Batavia On the sentence which the
members of the Council had given, that the Avocat
Fiscal should take the cause in hand on the Company's
behalf, three days afterwards he sent me many pages
of paper containing written charges, so that I might
reply to each. The first demanded that I should
declare to what extent M. Constant and I had traded
together since we had known one another. The others

334 TRAVELS IN INDIA book til

were onlynonsense, and among others thatwhich ordered
me to reply to them at all, I, who was in no wise respon-
sible to the Company, and had only come to Batavia
to render it a service, and consequently need trouble
myself very little about the FtscaFs order. There was
a special query which stated that the General and his
council wished to know what M. Constant had done
at Bandar Abbas, where he had been sent as com-
mander ; that they were aware of the fact that we
were together day and night, and that consequently I
must bewell acquainted with his affairs. They were right
in this, but I was not bound to render an account to them.
This lasted fully four or five weeks, during which an
officer came to summon me several times to accompany
him to the Town Hall to give a reply. That which I
gave was always the same, that I knew nothing of M.
Constant's affairs, and that when he did anything he
did not call me in to give him advice. As they saw
they could get nothing from me by sweetness, they
commenced to threaten me, saying they would arrest
me. I replied boldly that I did not fear them, and
that if they arrested me I had the honour to serve
a Prince who was the late Monseigneur le Duc
d'Orléans, who would get me in safety out of their
hands, and would himself resent the affront they had
done me. At the same time I departed from their
presence without saying another word, and they also
said nothing to me. Fifteen days passed without their
speaking of this affair, and during this time I went to
take exercise and even to dine with some of these
gentlemen. One day the Avocat Fiscal, who had
read much and liked to hear about foreign countries,
asked me to supper ; when we had left the table he

chap, xxii M. CONSTANT 335

took me apart and told me that he had to summon
me on the following day, having received an order
from the General, who wished to know, absolutely, what
I had seen M. Constant do at Gombroon. " If it is
to say what I have seen," I replied, " I shall do so
willingly, but I desire to be in the presence of the
judges." Morning having come, the officer did not
fail to summon me. I followed him forthwith, and
having entered the chamber, the President asked
me at first if I would tell them something of what I
had seen of M. Constant. I said, " I would satisfy
him, and that I desired to give the account at full
length," with which the President and the Council told
me they were quite content. As they had ordered
silence for me, and I saw they awaited what I had to
say to them with impatience, I spoke to them in the
following manner : —

" The day on which M. Constant disembarked at
Gombroon the Khân or Governor of the town and
country made much of him, and kept him to supper,
together with those who had accompanied him. The
repast was magnificent, and the dishes were much
better prepared than usual ; I have been at many
feasts of Khâns or Governors of Provinces in Persia,
where they know of nothing but ragouts, not even
understanding how to roast a fowl properly. But at
this repast all was well arranged, and it had the
appearance as if a Frank cook had a hand in it. All
the baladines of Gombroon were present, to dance in
their own manner according to custom, and the repast
was accomplished with much gaiety. On the following
day M. Constant had at dinner several Franks, and
at the close of the repast the Khân sent one of his

336 TRAVELS IN INDIA book Hi

officers to present his compliments to Commander Con-
stant, and to tell him that he would come to supper
with him ; this he received very well, in consequence
of his appreciation of the honour which the Khân
wished to do him. Compliments being finished, the
Commander took a large glass and drank to the health
of the Kltdn, and all those who were at table did like-
wise. As soon as the officer had left, the Commander
asked some of those who were dining with him, in
what manner a governor should be treated when he
did the honour to a commander of coming to see him
at home ; there was one who told him that the first
care he should have would be that as soon as night
had come he should light numbers of lamps, both out
and inside the house. In that country these consist
of little saucers full of oil attached to the walls of the
house, and at a distance of about one foot from each
other. But the Commander desiring to do more
honour than that to the Khân and to the Company, in-
stead of these lamps ordered white wax candles to be
placed throughout, and both within and without the
house there was light everywhere. The Kliân declared
himself to be highly pleased with this liberal expendi-
ture, which was done to specially honour him ; and all
the merchants, both Christians and Muhammadans,
were also surprised at it. It is true," said I to these
members of the Council, "that you know that this
wax does not cost so much to the Company as it does
to private persons, because all the Dutch vessels which
come from Mocha carry much of it, as it is very cheap
there.

" The baladines were present in large numbers at
this repast, in order to amuse the company with their

chap, xxii M. CONSTANTS PROCEEDINGS 337

dances and their graceful attitudes, for there was
money to be earned, as they know that the com-
manders pay them well, and that it is not with them
as with the Khân> who generally considers he has paid
liberally when he gives them supper.

" On the following day those who were in charge
of these baladines (for each troupe had an old woman
as guardian and directress, whom the baladines call
their mother) came to pay their respects to M. Con-
stant, who showed himself so liberal toward them that
there was not one who asked for anything from the
guests — this is very contrary to their usual custom.
Some of those who had slept there, and had passed
all the night in making these women dance, were much
surprised, on leaving in the morning, at not being
compelled to put their hands in their purses, and took
occasion to extol the generosity of the Commander
who had so liberally paid for all. Throughout the
night the signals which were on the terrace of the
lodge were fired, and at each health a dozen were fired
to warn the vessels to make a salute.

" Two hours before sunrise the Khân rose from the
place where he had seated himself on arrival, which
was where they had drunk and eaten, and his officers
bore him away, observing that the wine began to heat
him. As soon as he had left, a part of the company
returned to eat and drink and the others to see the
baladines dance, and the debauch lasted till ten o'clock
in the morning. Each one, when leaving, remarked to
another, * It must be admitted that this new Com-
mander is honourable, and does all things with a good
grace. '

44 When M. Constant," I continued to these

VOL. II z

338 TRAVELS IN INDIA book hi

gentlemen of the Council, " arrived at Gombroon, and
had to go to the dwelling of the Khan, the finest
horses in the Company's stable were brought to him.
That which was for the Commander had rich brocaded
trappings, but as the bridle was only of silver he
appeared to be surprised at it, and asked why there
was not a golden bridle on his horse, considering that
he was not inferior to the other commanders who had
preceded him at Gombroon. They told him that, by
order of the Company, the Commander Vanderlin
had sent the two golden bridles which were at Gom-
broon to Batavia, the gold of one of which weighed
600, and of the other 450 ducats, and that it had been
ordered that, for the future, no commander should use
one of gold on his horse, but must content himself
with one of silver. As I saw that this annoyed M.
Constant, I told him privately that it would be easy
for him to have a golden bridle on his horse without
the Company being able to reproach him. That he
had only to send to the Khân the present which he
had to make him on behalf of the Company on a little
more liberal scale than had the other commanders, his
predecessors, and he should see that he would soon
have a golden bridle. M. Constant believed me, and
made a very handsome present to the Khân.

" These presents consist generally of all kinds of
spices, porcelain, Japanese cabinets, Dutch cloths, and
other things of that kind. But the best part of the
present was a ring of diamonds for which he had paid
me 1500 ecus;1 and 1000 ducats of gold with which the
King caused a golden bridle to be made, which he
sent as a present to the Commander ; it weighed but

1 j£337 : ios.

chap, xxii M. CONSTANT'S PROCEEDINGS 339

643 ducats of gold, the balance having remained in the
Khans purse. It is the custom in Persia, when a
stranger makes a present to a great person, that he
gives another in return, but certainly when one makes
one to a King he does not ever receive in return nearly
the value of that which he has given. The Khân was
altogether amazed with so magnificent a present, and
although, according to custom, he should have sent
his, on the following day, which is usually a valuable
horse, and sometimes two, he waited for five or six
days, because it required that time to make the bridle.
As soon as it was finished the Khân sent two fine
horses to the Commander, one with the bridle of gold,
and the other with a bridle of silver, the saddles being
of the Turkish pattern with brocade of gold and silver.
Out of politeness it was necessary that the Commander
when mounting his horse had the golden bridle put
on, and thus thé Company was not able to say any-
thing."

This was the account which I gave to the Council
of Batavia of what I had seen at Gombroon in refer-
ence to M. Constant, and it should be remarked,
before going further, that all the presents which the
kings and great nobles make to the commanders and
the other principal officers of the Company ought to
be handed over, when they go to Batavia, to the
charge of the General of the Council as property
belonging to the Company, but they are sometimes
allowed to retain them.

After having spoken in this way to these gentle-
men of the Council of Batavia, and having told them
ingenuously what M. Constant had done during the
first days after his arrival at Gombroon, they wished

340 TRAVELS IN INDIA book hi

to know what had happened subsequently, and told
me that they had already been sufficiently informed of
what I had just told them, but wished that I should let
them know what trade M. Constant had done. It was
then I began to speak to them in a different way, and
told them I was not dependent on them and was not
their spy. That if they wished to know so much they
should have ascertained it when he was at Batavia,
or they might write to him in Holland, and would be
able by that means to satisfy themselves. The Presi-
dent, who saw that I mocked them, rose from his place
to talk with some of the councillors, and then told me
that they would give me four days to reflect on my
reply to the Council, both in reference to the trade
which I had done with M. Constant, and that which

I knew of his having done with other persons. Upon
this I retired, without replying, and went to dine with
one of the councillors without speaking further of the
matter.

The four days having expired, I waited for them
to send for me, but they delayed eight days longer,
after which they sent an officer, who told me that
the President would expect me at the Council at

I I o'clock. Having entered the chamber, the Avocat
Fiscal delivered a long discourse, referring to my
refusal to reply to the questions which had been given
me in writing, and as for himself he required that I
should be placed in gesselin, i.e. under arrest, until I
had replied. I replied to that " that I was not the
least astonished at what he said, and that I believed
the gentlemen of the Council would think more than
once before they carried it into execution ; that if he
wished me to reply to what he asked, it was necessary

chap, xxii M. CONSTANTS PROCEEDINGS 341

to convey it to me in a language which I understood,
and not in Dutch." He replied to this "that he had
often heard me speak Dutch," to which I responded
"that in truth I did know something of the language,
but did not know enough to enable me to read and
understand chicanery." As I perceived that he was
offended by the use of the word chicanery, I said to
him again in a firmer tone than before, "that I was
not in receipt of wages from the Company, and that
I had not been appointed to observe the conduct and
actions of M. Constant." The Council at length
ordered the Fiscal to give me his questions in French ;
this he did, and fixed the period for replying at eight
days. I laughed at all these questions, being well
assured that I was able to put an end to the proceed-
ings whenever I pleased. I deferred replying for
another eight days beyond the eight which they had
given me ; but seeing that the Council began to be
annoyed, I thought that it was time to put an end to
the affair.

As soon as the Fiscal had given me his questions
in French, I communicated them to M. Potre, the
ablest counsel in Batavia, who told me that, not being
employed by the Company, I was not obliged to reply
to any of these articles, nevertheless, being desirous
of putting an end to the affair, I went to the President's
house shortly after sunrise, and he came to receive
me in his sleeping garment, "preferring," he said, "to
come to me in that condition rather than make me
wait while he dressed." The reply which I made to
this compliment was "that since he wished me absolutely
to tell him all that I knew of M. Constant, I would
conceal nothing that had come to my knowledge, even

842 TRAVELS IN INDIA book in

were it to the disadvantage of the General himself and
many members of the Council, and of you yourself who
urge me to speak," I added, after he had made his
guard withdraw, and he and I remained alone. I told
him, then, that "when leaving Surat to go to the
diamond mine, M. Constant entrusted me with
44,000 l rupees, asking me to expend it on diamonds,
and especially on large stones, that my services would
be well rewarded, and that as this sum belonged to
the General he would be glad to have an opportunity
of obliging him. Moreover, that the General himself
had purchased from M. Constant, when he visited
Batavia, all the parcels I had sold him while he was
the second in authority at the factory of Surat. They
were all stones which I had had cut, their value being
more than 40,000 ecus* As for the pearls which the
said M. Constant had bought for the General during
the time he was at Hormuz, I did not exactly know
the value, but I so far knew that they included two
pear-shaped pearls which cost 1 70 tomans} That I had
also received somewhat considerable sums to invest
for M. Carles Renal, M. Cam, and some others, and
that he himself could not have forgotten that when
M. Constant left Bata\ia to go to be Commander in
Persl\, he entrusted to him 36,000 rupees,* asking
him to give it to some of his friends to invest it in a
parcel of diamonds. That the said M. Constant
expected to find me at Surat in order to place this
sum in my hands, but as I had left for Hormuz some
days previously on an English vessel, he thought to

1 ^49$o. * £9000.

s £S&& : los-i the tùnutm being eqxud to £2 : £s.

4 ^4050,

chap, xxii M. CONSTANTS PROCEEDINGS 343

find me there, where he would place the sum in my
hands, supposing that during the same season I should
return to India, and to the diamond mine. And in
order to make you see," I further said to the President,
"how M. Constant was devoted to your interest, he
purchased with the greater part of your money goods
of Sironj and Burhànpur, and as soon as he arrived
at Gombroon he was offered 30 per cent profit on
them. It is true, I added, that to calculate it at the
rate which the other merchants have to pay it would
only amount to 5 per cent, but he made all pass as
if on the account of the Company, which neither
pays the freight of the vessel nor the customs at
Gombroon, these two items amounting, in the case of
the merchants, to 25 per cent. That when the vessel
which had carried him, returned to Batavia, although
the goods were not sold, he did not omit to write to
you that he had refused 30 per cent profit in the hope
of receiving more. That, however, three vessels
arrived at Gombroon laden with the same kinds of
goods, so that he had difficulty in getting for them
what they had cost in India ; this compelled him to
give those which he had bought for you at the current
price. That, nevertheless, M. Constant had been so
generous that he never asked anything from you, but
that he had told me in private that he had lost more
than 15 per cent by the transaction."

Having given all this detail to the President, he
appeared to be very much alarmed, and besought me
to make no noise about it, in which he did wisely, for
I could have named others, all the addresses of the
chiefs of the Company having come to my knowledge,
and the principal part of the large sums which they

/

344 TRAVELS IN INDIA book hi

had invested in diamonds having passed through my
hands. Observing then that the President did not
wish to- hear more, I took leave of him and went to
tell my counsel all that had passed. His dwelling
being near that of the President, I observed that the
latter went to the fort, apparently to see the General.
Between 1 1 o'clock and noon I was about to go the
Town Hall to know what the Avocat Fiscal would say
to me, because I knew that the President had gone
there when leaving the fort, and that they had con-
versed together. But I met him half way, and
approaching me with a laughing face he asked me
where I was going. I replied that I was going to the
Town Hall to reply to some of his questions. " I beg
you," he replied quickly, "let us leave that affair to
go and have dinner together. I was presented yester-
day with two cases, one of French wine and the other
of Rhine wine, we shall see which is the best. All I
ask from you is a word written with your own hand,
that you have nothing belonging to M. Constant."
This I gave very willingly, and in this way the whole
process came to an end.

CHAPTER XXIII

The Author goes to see the King of Bantam,1 and
describes several adventures in connection therewith

Having freed myself of an affair which had been raised
so inconveniently for me, I forthwith formed a resolu-
tion to visit the King of Bantam, having often heard
that he was very fond of men of our nation ; this
it is easy for me to acknowledge on account of the
good treatment which I received from him. As soon
as one passes beyond the Kingdoms which yield obedi-
ence to the Great Mogul, the language which is
called Malay is, among Orientals, what the Latin
language is in Europe.2 On the voyage which I
made to India in the year 1638 I took with me one of
my brothers 8 who was my junior, and who had a special
talent for foreign languages. He required but five or
six months in order to learn one, and he spoke eight

1 In the native language, Ban tan. It forms the western end of
Java and has an area of 2568 geographical square miles. It is a
mountainous country of volcanic formation. An English station was
established there as early as 1602, but the Dutch ultimately proved the
superior in this region. It is now a Dutch Province, having been taken
possession of in 1643. (Crawfurd, Dictionary.)

2 This is still the case, Malay being the lingua franca in these
regions.

3 This was his brother Daniel (see Introduction, pp. xii and xvi).

346 TRAVELS IN INDIA book hi

of them perfectly well. Moreover he was well made
in person and was considered brave, of which he gave
many proofs. Having one day fought a duel at
Batavia with an infantry captain, over whom he
obtained considerable advantage, General Vandime,
who liked men of spirit, and the principals of the
council, who had much esteem for him, permitted the
matter to pass in silence, and as a mark of the affec-
tion with which they regarded him they gave him
permission to equip a vessel on his own private account
and to trade in such goods as he pleased, with the
exception of spices. Accordingly my brother bought
a vessel of fourteen guns, with which he made many
voyages. The first was to Siam, where he made a
sufficiently large profit, but he lost 5000 or 6000 ecus
of it to the King, who invited him to gamble with
him and five of the principal nobles of his court, being
much pleased at meeting a European who spoke the
Malay language so well. It cannot be doubted that
the profits are great in this kind of trade, since those
who advance the money to traders, on loan, obtain for it
cent per cent. But it is also true that they risk much,
because if the vessel is lost the money is lost to them
also, and this is called "the great speculation.' ' He
also made some voyages to the King of Macassar,
but they did not yield so much profit as those to the
Kingdoms of Siam, Tonquin, and Cochinchina.

Having, then, resolved to go to Bantam, and not
knowing the Malayan language, I took with me my
brother, who was then at Batavia. It was necessary
for me to have the permission of the General, accord-
ing to custom, and he refused because he was not on
good terms with the King of Bantam. But two hours

chap, xxiii BANTAM 847

afterwards M. Caron, who was at that time Director-
General, sent to me to say that I might leave on my
voyage for Bantam in all safety, as soon as I wished.
Accordingly I set out with my brother in a small
barque which we hired to carry us to Bantam, where,
on arrival, our first visit was to the English Presi-
dent, who gave us a grand reception, and desired that
we should not take other quarters but stay with him.
He had still about fifty pots of Mantua wine with
which he desired to regale us. This wine is not ex-
ported in glass bottles, in which it goes bad, but in
earthen pots, in which it always keeps good.

On the following morning my brother went to the
King's palace, where he was well known and welcome,
in order to ascertain when his majesty would be able to
receive us. But as soon as the King knew that he
was there, he would not allow him to return to fetch
me, but ordered a messenger to be sent to seek me,
and tell me that if I had any rare jewels I should
please him by bringing them.

When the King's people came to conduct me to
the palace, not seeing my brother with them, I was
on the point of refusing to follow them, and I recalled
before my eyes the manner in which the King of
Achin had treated M. Renaud, who had left Nantes
with his brother on the vessels which M. de Mont-
morency sent to India. I shall record the history of
it in a few words, and this short digression will pos-
sibly not be displeasing to the reader. A French
Company of Commerce was established for India,
whither it sent four vessels, three large and one small
one of eight guns, upon which among others the two
brothers Renaud, who entered the service of the Com-

348 TRAVELS IN INDIA book m

pany, embarked. Their journey was the shortest and
the most fortunate of any ever heard of, as they arrived
before Bantam in less than four months. The King
received them with great joy, and in eight or ten days'
time he gave them as much pepper as they asked for,
and at a very fair price, they having received it at
more than 20 per cent cheaper than the Dutch do. But
as our Frenchmen had not come for pepper only, but
wished also to obtain information as to the trade in
cloves, nutmegs, and mace, they sent the smaller vessel
with the greater part of their money to Macassar,
where the Kings stores are generally full, as I have
elsewhere said, the Dutch, with all their skill, not
being able to prevent the people of this island trading
with the other islands where the spices grow,1 this
annoys them much, since they desire to compel [the
trade of] all other nations to pass through their hands.
Our Frenchmen having obtained their cargo of
pepper so quickly at Bantam, had not patience to
await the return of the small vessel which they had
sent to Macassar, and, in order to amuse themselves,
decided to go to Batavia, that town not being more
than 14 leagues distant from Bantam. When the
wind is favourable one can go there in a single tide,
and they reached the roads at 8 o'clock in the morning.
As soon as they had cast anchor the General of the
French fleet sent to pay his compliments to the
General of Batavia, who did not fail to reply to this
civility by asking the General to come on shore that he
might entertain him. He sent at the same time to
those who remained in the vessel a quantity of refresh-
ments, and especially Spanish and Rhine wine, with

1 See p. 16.

chap, xxiii FRENCH VESSELS BURNT 349

— ^ — ^— ^— —— — ■^— ^^-^^»^^— ^

instructions to those who carried it to make them drink
well in order to intoxicate them. This order was so
well followed that it was easy for the Dutch afterwards
to set fire to the vessels according to the orders which
they had received, and as, froin the saloon of the fort
where the General of Batavia receives strangers, all
the roads are visible, one of the Indian Councillors
who was at the table, seeing the flame, cried out say-
ing that he believed the French vessels were on fire.
The General of Batavia appeared to be much aston-
ished, and the French General, who rightly concluded
how it had come about, looking unmoved at the com-
pany : " But that," said he, " need not prevent us from
continuing to drink — those who have lighted the fire
shall pay for it." But he did not remember then that
time was worth money, and the Dutch did not pay for
a quarter of the damage. The French vessels were
all burnt and the crews were saved on the frigates
which were despatched for them in haste. The
General of Batavia made the men liberal offers, which
they refused, and they returned to Bantam to await
their small vessel. When it arrived they could find no
better plan than to sell their goods and the vessel
itself to the English, and the money was divided
among all according to the rank of each. The English
offered them a passage to Europe, but the General
and some of the principal officers alone accepted it.
The greater part of the French remained in I ndia and
took service with the Portuguese, with whom there
was some advantage to be gained at that time.

The Dutch did not ill-treat the French, alone, after
this fashion, as they did a still more serious injury to
the English. The English were the first to realise that

350 TRAVELS IN INDIA book hi

the voyage to Japan from Surat, Masulipatam, and
other places, was too dangerous to attempt in one stretch,
without having some place in which to rest when the
winds were contrary. They found it desirable to build
a fort in the island of Formosa ; and this has spared
the loss of many vessels, in addition to the great profit
which it brought them. The Dutch being jealous that
the English should have seized so good a position as
that, being the sole place in all the island where
vessels could lie in safety, and as they were unable
to take it by force, decided on treachery to accomplish
their design. They sent two of their vessels, upon
which they put their best soldiers, who feigned to have
been very badly injured by a storm, making their vessels
appear dismasted and broken in many directions, and
all the soldiers pretending sickness. The English,
touched by this misery, which was only a sham, invited
the chief officers to come on shore in order to refresh
themselves ; this invitation they immediately accepted,
ordering as many of their people as possible to leave
the vessel, under pretext that they were ill, and could
be treated better on shore than on board. While the
principal officers were at table with the English, who
had civilly invited them to dinner, and where, to
accomplish their object, they took with them more per-
sons than politeness permitted, and, in order to make
more come on shore they ordered them to bring from
the vessels, from time to time, many kinds of wine, and
those who brought them had the word to remain there,
of which the English, who were not on their defence, took
no notice. The Dutch, seeing that they had drunk well,
and that it was time to execute their design, started a
quarrel with the English chief; and drawing their arms

chap, xxiii FRENCH TRADERS 351

which they had concealed, threw themselves upon the
English garrison, whom they murdered without meet-
ing with much resistance. It was thus they made
themselves masters of the fort, which they possessed
till they were driven from it by the Chinese. I could
tell of many other treacheries by the Dutch,1 but it is
time to return to that which followed the burning of
the French vessels in the Batavia roads.

The two brothers Renaud, of whom I have above
spoken, having received at Bantam a small amount of
money from the distribution which was made of the
proceeds of the sale of the small vessel, and the goods
which it had brought from Macassar, found means to
go to Goa, and knew so well how to gain the good
opinion of the Portuguese, that they were permitted to
trade in all places where the Portuguese were in
authority. In five or six years they had each earned
to the value of 10,000 ecus} The elder one dealt in
cottons and other coarse goods, and the younger in
precious stones. The Portuguese had been accustomed
to send three or four vessels to Achin every year to
obtain pepper, elephants,8 and gold, and they took there
all kinds ôf white and coloured calicoes, especially blue
and black. They also sent jewels to the King, because
he loved and highly valued them. The two brothers
Renaud decided to go there, each for his own particular
trade, the elder one carrying cottons, and the younger

1 Tavernier subsequently resolved to do so, and in his third volume
we have his accumulated charges against the Dutch, under the title,
Conduite des Hollandais en Asie.

2 £2250.

3 This statement as to the importation of Sumatran elephants is of
interest, but requires confirmation. See p. 3 1 7 for suggested origin of
elephants in Sumatra.

r

352 TRAVELS IN INDIA book hi

jewels, amongst which he had four rings of the value of
about 18,000 ecus. Having arrived at Achin, they
went with the other Portuguese to the King's palace,
which is at 2 leagues from the sea, and each of them
showed the King and the nobles who were with him
whatever he had brought. As for the jewels, as soon
as the King had cast his eyes on the four rings he
desired to have them, but refused to pay more than
15,000 ecus for them, but the younger Renaud asked
18,000 ecus. Not having been able to agree, he took
them away, which much displeased the King, who
sent for him on the following day. Renaud, who had
returned to the vessel, was a long time in doubt whether
he should go to the King again or not ; but the officers
of the vessel advising him to go, he at length resolved
to do so, and the King took the four rings for the
18,000 ecus, which he paid him forthwith. But after
Renaud left the presence of the King no one ever
knew what became of him ; apparently he was secretly
murdered in the palace.

This adventure came to my memory when I saw
that the King of Bantam sent to ask for me, and that
my brother was not with those who came to summon
me. Nevertheless, I resolved to go, and took with me
12,000 or 13,000 rupees worth of jewels, the largest
part consisting of rings with diamonds arranged in
roses, some of seven stones, others of nine, and others
of eleven, with some bracelets of diamonds and rubies.
I found the King with three of his captains and my
brother seated in the Oriental fashion, and they had
before them five large plates of rice of different colours.
For their drink they had Spanish wine and brandy,
with many kinds of sherbets. After I had saluted the

.p. xxiii THE KING OF BANTAM 353

ing, and had presented him with a diamond ring,
d another of blue sapphires, and a small bracelet of
imonds, rubies, and blue sapphires, he invited me to

seated, and told the attendants to give me a cup of
andy to excite my appetite. This cup held about
If a septier of Paris,1 but I refused the officer who pre-
tited it to me ; this astonished the King. My brother
sn asked him to excuse me, saying that I never
ank brandy ; but that as for Spanish wine I could
ink a little of it, upon which the King ordered me to

given some.

Whether because the repast had already lasted a
lg time, or that the King was impatient to see what
had brought, he did not delay about finishing, and
ited himself in a kind of armchair, the woodwork of
lich was gilt with gold and moulded like the frames

our pictures. His feet and legs were uncovered,
d underneath him there was a small Persian carpet of
Id and silk. His garment was a piece of calico, a
rt of which covered the body from the waist to the
ees, the remainder being on his back and about his
ck like a scarf. He wore as a head-band a kind of
ndkerchief, having three ends ; and his hair, which
is very long, was twisted and bound together on the
d of his head. In place of slippers he had placed by
s side of his chair sandles with leather straps to go
er the feet, like those attached to a spur, which were
ibroidered with gold and small pearls. Two of his
icers stood behind him with large fans, the handles
which were 5 or 6 feet long, and at the ends there
ire bundles of peacocks plumes, which equalled in

1 Equal to one-fourth of an English pint. It is apparently the one-
enth of a litre, whence the name.

VOL. II 2 A

354 TRAVELS IN INDIA book hi

size the bottom of one of our barrels. On his right
side there was an old black woman, who held in her
hands a small mortar and a pestle of gold, in which
she crushed the betel leaves, with which she mixed
areca1 nuts and dissolved seed pearls. When she
saw that the whole was well pounded she placed her
hand on the Kings back, who at once opened his
mouth, and she put the betel in with her fingers as
women do who give pap to their infants,2 because the
King had no teeth ; for he had eaten so much of
these betel leaves, and smoked so much tobacco, that
his teeth had fallen out.

The palace of the King of Bantam has not had
need of a very skilful architect. It is a square build-
ing surrounded by small lacquered pillars of different
colours, 2 feet in height, against which one leans
when seated. There are at the four corners four large
pillars planted in the earth at 40 feet distance from
each other, and the floor is covered by a mat woven
of the bark of a kind of tree, as if it were a piece of
cloth, and neither fleas nor bugs will approach it.
The roof is of cocoanut fronds. Close by under
another roof, sustained also by four large pillars, there
were sixteen elephants, the most courageous of those
which the King keeps (for he has a large number of
them), which are destined for war and do not fear
fireworks. For his guard he has about 2000 men,
who were seated in squads under the shade of some
trees. They are good soldiers both on sea and

1 Araque in the original.

2 I recently saw the famous hairy woman of Mandalay being supplied
with betel by her Burmese attendant in much the same way ; being blind,
the packet had to be prepared for her and placed in her mouth.

chap, xxiii THE KING OF BANTAM 355

land, strict Muhammadans who do not fear death.
His harem, where his women dwell, must be a small
affair, for when he had seen what I had brought
he summoned two old black women, to whom he
gave some of the jewels in order that they should
go to show them. These two old women entered by
a miserable door, and it had for enclosure only a kind
of palisade, with earth mixed with cow dung between
the posts. I observed that nothing was brought back
of what he sent by these women, this made me con-
clude that I should stick to the price. Thus I sold
him profitably what he took from me, and I was paid
at once. After having drunk a cup of sherbet (while
my brother drank spirits with the King) we took leave
of him, and he made us promise that, on the following
day towards evening, we should return to see him,
because he wished to show me a dagger which he was
having made after the Turkish fashion, but he had
not got sufficient diamonds to cover the handle, and he
desired that I should procure enough to finish it. We
withdrew then with our money to the dwelling of the
English, who were much astonished that the King
had disbursed 20,000 rupees, saying that they believed
it was the greatest part of his treasure.1

On the following day my brother and I went to
see the King again at the hour which he had fixed
for us, and we found him seated in the same place
where he had been on the preceding day. A Mulla
read and interpreted to him something from the Koran,
which was in Arabic. The reading being finished, the

1 As the value of the jewels is stated on page 352 to have been
only 1 2,000 to 1 3,000 rupees, the transaction was a profitable one for
Tavernier.

i

»

356 TRAVELS IN INDIA book i

King and the Malla rose to pray, which having bee
concluded, the King sent for the dagger, the hand!
and sheath of which were of gold. The upper pai
of the handle was already covered with diamond:
and in the plaque which was at the end there was
large one cut into facettes, which, as far as I coul
judge, was worth at the least 15,000 or 16,000 ecus
The King told me that he had received it as a presen
from the Queen of Borneo, and that he had sent i
to be cut at Goa, but he valued it much higher tha
what I considered it to be worth. All the handle an
likewise all the sheath were covered with bezels 2 applies
without order, this proved to me that he did not undei
stand design. The King had no other stones, neithe
diamonds nor rubies, nor anything to place in thes
bezels, and he wished to induce me to obtain for hin
some that would fit. I made him understand that tha
would be impossible, and that he ought not to limi
himself to these bezels. That when he had acquired th<
quantity of stones which were required to cover th<
dagger, other bezels of the shapes of the stones shoult
be made, and that in Europe when we begin a worl
of this kind we first arrange all the available stones 01
wax ; this I exemplified to him at the same time, bu
that was beyond his understanding, and he told m<
that he did not care to destroy a design which he hat
himself taken the trouble to arrange, and to hav
made for his own use. In spite of any reasons whicl
I could give for the purpose of escaping from a com
mission which I was not able to execute, the Kinj
wished positively that I should take the dagger wit]

1 £3375 to £3600.
2 Bezels (cliatons in the original), mountings for individual stones.

chap, xxiii AN IMPOSSIBLE COMMISSION 357

me to Batavia. I represented to him then that as I
was a stranger he risked much, and that I might go
off with the dagger without again returning, but he
said to me smiling that he feared nothing on that
account, and that he well knew that Frenchmen were
incapable of so disgraceful an action. At length, being
unable to excuse myself further, I took charge of the
dagger, and having taken leave of the King, my
brother and I went to bid farewell to the English
President, and to thank him for the civilities which we
had received from him.

CHAPTER XXIV

The Author returns to Batavia, and some days after-
wards goes again to visit the King of Bantam,
giving an account, in connection therewith, of the
dangerous extravagances of some Fakirs, or pilgrims,
on their return from Mecca

My brother and I, after having supped this evening
with the English President, went on board a barque
between n o'clock and midnight, for the land-wind
that we required generally blows at night, and on the
following day between 10 and 1 1 o'clock in the morning
we arrived at Batavia. I remained there twenty days,
merely to make the King of Bantam believe that I
had not misrepresented the matter, and that during
that time I had been looking for what it was impossible
to find. As I had nothing to do then, these twenty
days appeared very long to me ; for at Batavia there
is scarcely any other amusement but gambling, and all
the gain goes in drink ; this did not suit me. During
the day, on account of the great heat, one cannot even
think of taking exercise, this can only be done towards
the cool of the evening, and it is moreover necessary
to make it very short, because as soon as the sun sets
they close the gates, unless the General or Madame or
some of the Councillors of India are outside the town

chap, xxiv BATAVIA 369

in their gardens. During these twenty days M. Cant,
one of the Councillors of India, died, and was buried
with great honour. A company of infantry attended
and bore a large standard, upon which were the arms
of the defunct, although when he first came to India
he held the most degraded office in the vessel. A
stick, at the end of which there were attached spurs,
was borne behind, though, to say the truth, I do not
believe he had ever mounted a horse save to go for
exercise outside the town. One of the captains carried
his sword, another his helmet, and his body was borne
by eight military officers. The son-in-law of the
defunct followed with the General, after whom walked
the gentlemen of the Council ; a number of people
followed from the fort and town. The four corners of
the pall with which the bier was covered were carried
by four captains, and all these honours were rendered
to him in consideration of the good services which the
Company had received from him— as the General and
members of the Council proclaimed ; but the people
used a very different language, and complained bitterly
of the great injustice which he had done, both to sailors
and soldiers.

Having passed these twenty days at Batavia, I
resolved to carry back the dagger to the King of
Bantam, without having looked for the diamonds or
other stones, for if I had remained years I should not
have found any suitable for these bezels. My brother
accompanied me again, and I took with me some
jewels which the King had not yet seen. Having
arrived at Bantam we intended to go first to visit the
English President, but, before we had done so, there
came to us one of the King's officers, who told us that

360 TRAVELS IN INDIA book hi

he had been instructed that we should be lodged in one
of the houses which the King has in the town. These
houses are made of bamboos, which are, as I have else-
where said, hollow canes, and which, though they are as
hard as iron, nevertheless split like our osiers, and it is
of them that the Indians make nearly everything. We
had not spent more than half an hour in this house
when the King sent us some pateches? which are very
sweet water-melons, and are red as scarlet inside.
There were also mangoes, of which I have elsewhere
spoken, and another large fruit called pompone? which
is also red inside, and the flesh is soft resembling a
sponge, and is very good. He who brought these
fruits told us that as soon as we had taken our repast
we were to go to see the King ; this we did, and we
found him again in the same place with the old betel
pounder, who from time to time made him open his
mouth and then gave him some with her fingers in the
way I have described. There were five or six captains
seated round the room, who were looking at some fire-
works which the Chinese had brought, such as grenades,
fusees, and other things of that kind to run on the
water ; for the Chinese surpass all the nations of the
world in this respect. As soon as I saw the King in
a condition to speak to me, I presented to him his
dagger in the same condition as he had given it to me,
and told him that Batavia was not a place where one
could obtain precious stones, and when I did find some

1 More properly pateca, a water-melon, Citrullus vulgaris (Schrader).
The name is from the Arabic al-battikh. (See Yule-Burnell, Anglo-
Indian Glossary, art. " Pateca.")

2 More properly pommelo. Citrus decumana (L.), the same as the
shaddock of the West Indies. (See Yule-Burnell, Anglo-Indian Glos-
sary, art. " Pommelo.")

chap, xxiv THE KING OF BANTAM 361

they wanted double their value for them. That this
commission could not be fulfilled except by some one
who went to Goa, and that I could have accomplished
it when at Goa, or at Golconda, or, better still, at
the diamond mine, where one meets with parcels of
stones of all shapes and sizes, which one might cut
with but little loss to suit the bezels. Upon this the
old woman took the dagger and conveyed it into the
harem, the King never having spoken to me of it
since. I showed him subsequently what jewels I had
brought, and I sold a parcel of them as advantageously
as on the first journey. As the sun was setting, which
is the time when the Muhammadans go to say their
prayers, the King told us to return on the following
day, and said that he would arrange for our payment
being made. On arriving at our lodging we found
one of the servants of the English President, who
came to invite us to go to have supper with him, and
taste some new liquors which had arrived from Eng-
land on the Company's account. For during the
twenty days which we had been at Batavia two
vessels had arrived, which had brought French and
Spanish wine, and especially a large quantity of beer.
We remained till midnight with the President, who
manifested much joy at seeing us again.

On the following day at 10 o'clock a.m., when going
to the palace, together with my brother and a Dutch
surgeon, who was prescribing for one of the King's
wives, we passed along a road where one has the
river on one side and on the other a large garden
enclosed by a palisade, and there were intervals
between each pair of posts. Behind the palisade
there was concealed a rascal of a Bantamese who had

chap, xxiv RUNNING A MUCK 363

Mecca, where there were a number of these Fakirs or
Dervishes. For every year the Great Mogul sends
two large vessels there to carry pilgrims, who thus
get a free passage. At the time when these vessels
are ready to depart the Fakirs come from all parts of
India in order to embark. The vessels are laden with
good articles of trade, which are disposed of at Mecca,
and all the profit which is made is given in charity to
the poor pilgrims. The principal only is retained, and
it serves for another year, and this principal is, at the
least, 600,000 rupees.1 It is considered a small matter
when 30 or 40 per cent only is made on these goods, for
some yield cent per cent. Added to which all the
principal persons of the Great Mogul's harem, and
other private persons, send considerable donations to
Mecca. I have mentioned at the end of my account
of the seraglio of the Grand Seigneur the rich and
magnificent present which the Great Mogul sent to
Mecca in the year 1644, over and above the ordinary
presents which he makes annually.

There was one of these Fakirs who returned from
Mecca in the year 1642, and having landed at Suwali
he forthwith showed signs of diabolical fury. He
had no sooner said his prayers than he took his dagger
and ran to attack some Dutch sailors, who were on
shore discharging goods from four vessels which were
in the port. Before they saw him and were able to
put themselves on their defence, this maddened Fakir
wounded seventeen, of whom thirteen died. The
khanjar2 which he had was a kind of dagger, the

1 £67,500.

2 Canjare in the original (see vol. i, pp. 100 and 308). It is not
necessary to reproduce the figure here.

364 TRAVELS IN INDIA book hi

upper part of the blade of which was three fingers
wide, and as it is a very dangerous weapon I give the
figure of it here. At length the Dutch soldier who
was on guard at the entrance to the tent where the
Commander and the merchants were, gave this mad-
man a shot from a gun through the body, of which he
fell dead. Forthwith all the other Fakirs who were
in the place, and even the other Muhammadans, carried
off the body and interred it, and at the end of fifteen
days a handsome tomb had been built (over it).
It is broken each year by the English and Dutch
sailors when their vessels are in port, because they
are then strong ; but as soon as they have de-
parted the Muhammadans have it rebuilt and place
about it many standards. Some also say their prayers
at it.

Returning to the Fakir of Bantam. This rascal
was concealed, as I have said, behind the palisades, and
as my brother and I and the Dutch surgeon went
along, all three, side by side, having come opposite to
him, he thrust out his spear, thinking to transfix one
of the three in the body. By God's grace he was too
quick, and the point passed in front of all three of us.
The Dutchman being on my left on the river side, and
slightly in advance of my brother and me, the point of
the spear cut his high hose and immediately he
and I caught hold of the handle, the Fakir pulling
with all his might to recover his spear. My brother,
who was on my right on the palisade side, being young
and strong, leaped over it, gave him three sword cuts
in the body of which he died on the spot. Immedi-
ately a number of Chinese and other idolaters who
were close by came to kiss my brother's hands and to

chap, xxiv THE KING OF BANTAM 365

thank him for having slain this enraged Fakir. From
thence we went to see the King, who had already
heard of what my brother had done, and testified his
approval by making him a present of a waistband.
For the Kings and Governors, although they are
Muhammadans, are very well contented at some ones
slaying these wicked men, knowing well that they are
desperadoes of whom it is well to be rid.

The King paid me for what he had purchased on
the preceding day ; but he was unwilling that my
brother should return with me, because of a great re-
joicing which he was going to make, and at which he
wished him to be present. It was on account of four
large vessels which he had had built and intended to
launch. Never had any King of Bantam built such
large ones, and for five or six days there was to be
nothing but feasts, dances, and fireworks. Thus I took
leave of the King, who presented me with a beautiful
embroidered waistband, and we went to take supper
and sleep at the Dutch surgeons house.

On the following day I went to bid farewell to the
English President, who kept me for dinner. While
waiting for it to be served, he showed me two strings
of diamonds which had come to him from England,
and two services of silver, the whole being worth, per-
haps, 25,000 ecus. He wanted to sell me all, but I only
bought one of the strings of diamonds for 2600 reales,
for the stones on the other string were too foul ; and as
for the vessels of silver, if money had still been coined at
Batavia I would have certainly been able to buy them.
They coined there formerly, but all contained more than
ten per cent of alloy. This was done on account of
the Chinese, who preferring silver to gold, as I have

366 TRAVELS IN INDIA book hi

elsewhere remarked,1 because having no silver mines
in their own country,2 they used to carry into China
as much as they could of the silver money which was
coined at Batavia. These were reales, half reales, and
quarter reales, which have no other mark than that of
the Company, as is to be seen in the figure which I
give here.8 On one side was a vessel, and on the other
a V, an O, and a C, interlaced, these three letters
signifying in Dutch Vor Ost Indien Compagnie, i.e. for
the Company of the East Indies.

This lasted for some years ; but in the end all the
nations of the East, who had trade with the Dutch,
commenced to weary of it, especially the people whose
sovereigns did not coin silver money ; for in fact there
are very few who coin after one passes beyond the
Empire of the Great Mogul, and it is still bar silver
only which comes from Japan. As for gold, there
are many Kings who coin it, as the King of Pegu, the
King of Achin, and the King of Macassar ; and be-
sides their golden money, they have also copper and tin
money. The Chinese — who are careful in all things —
in selling their goods calculate according to the stan-
dard of the silver ; for all that they receive in foreign
countries, when they have arrived in their own, they
reduce to their own standard, and make it into ingots.

The principal part of the profit derived from these
reales which are coined at Batavia, went into the
purses of the General, the Councillors, and the Master
of the Mint. The " States-General " having had notice
of it, considered it very singular that the gentlemen of

1 See p. 155.

2 It is probable that there are silver mines in China.

8 This figure is not reproduced here.

chap, xxiv SPURIOUS COINAGE 367

the Company had assumed authority to coin money
without having asked permission, and forbade the
Company to continue to do so. They condemned them
likewise to a large fine, and to make a careful search for
all these reales, in order to give an equal number of
good ones to those who had received the bad ones.
On this voyage which I made to Batavia, when in the
island of Ceylon, I sold some jewels to a lady of Point
de Galle, who paid me with these reales. When
about to depart, an officer of the Company came on
board to ask if I had not received some of these reales,
and added that if I had he would give me good ones,
piece for piece, without my losing anything ; this he did
forthwith.

CHAPTER XXV

Concerning the Dutch war with the Emperor of Java 1

Before leaving the English President, with whom I
dined on the day I left Bantam, he discussed with me
the reasons why the General of Batavia and his
Council had refused me a passage to enable me to
return to Surat or the coast of Bengal, where they
often send vessels. The President, to compensate me
for this refusal, kindly offered me a passage to England ;
for the season was then past for returning to India.
Being attracted by his offer, I accepted without cere-
mony ; and he told me he would be much gratified at
having my company, because he himself intended to go
home, the period of his service having expired. But
the vessels, whether English or Dutch, could not leave
for Europe for more than three months ; and I thought
I should do best to pass that time at Batavia, where I
should be able to buy something to make my money
yield a profit during the voyage. Accordingly, I took
leave of the President till the time when the vessels
should sail ; and he presented me with a large cask of
English beer to take with me to Batavia, where he
said I should find scarcely any, because the General
had made it contraband, knowing that it had come to

1 lave in the original.

chap, xxv ENGLISH BEER 369

the English Company. " But if he only does us this
injury," continued the President, "the Company will
not trouble itself, and will not be the poorer because
its beer remains unsold." It is not really the case that
if this prohibition of the Dutch General and his Council
had continued it would not have been injurious to the
English, for they make a considerable profit on beer,
and it yields them a large sum of money annually. I
have above said that it is the principal delight of the
people of Batavia to see new drinks arrive, especially
English beer, and that which they call mom9 which
comes from Brunswick. It is thought that they con-
tribute to health ; and the majority fear that they will
not survive for the remainder of the year if they do not
receive these supplies. Accordingly all the people
murmured loudly against the General and his Council ;
and even the publicans risked going to buy the beer
from the English, the General closing his eyes, and the
wives of the Councillors being very glad to drink it.

As soon as I had landed at Batavia one of the
guards ran to the entry office to give notice that I had
arrived with a cask of beer ; which, however, I landed
from the barque and placed near the guard. The
chief of the office having come to me, said that he
could not give permission for the cask to be carried to
my lodging ; that I must be aware of the order of
Council ; and that it would be best to reship it on the
barque, and send it back to Bantam. Seeing that
there was no favour to be hoped for, and as there are
close to the guard-house cannons, in position, for the
defence of the port, and an abundance of cannon balls, I
took one of these balls and with it stove in one end of
the cask. That being done, I cried out to the soldiers

VOL. II 2 B

370 TRAVELS IN INDIA book m

and passers-by : — " Children, conte to empty this cask,
and drink the health of the King of France, my sovereign
lord, and thai of tJie Prince of Orange',' after which I
mentioned the General and the members of the Council.
As no one refused to drink, the cask was already
half emptied when an officer on the part of the General
came to tell me that I might carry my cask of beer to
my lodging. Immediately I replaced the end (of the
cask) and had it carried away, after which I filled a
canteen of six bottles, which I sent as a present to the
General, knowing well that it would be the first he had
to drink that year, and with the rest I regaled my
friends.

I had designed, as I have said, to spend at Batavia
the three months which remained till the departure of
the vessels for Christendom, but the life which is led
in that place being one of idleness is tiresome, and not
having any other amusement than gambling and
drinking, I resolved to employ a part of the time in
going to see the King of Japara,1 who is otherwise
called the Emperor of Java. He it is who was
formerly King of all the island, before the King of Ban-
tam, who was only governor of a province, rebelled
against him, the Dutch being maintained in this
country by the division of these two powers. For when-
ever the King of Japara wished to besiege Batavia,
the King of Bantam immediately aided the Dutch,
and when they have been attacked by the King of
Bantam, which has happened many times, the King of

1 Japar in the original. Japara is the name of a province of Java,
comprehending Juwana, situated in the country of the proper Javanese.
Its area is 672 square miles, and the population amounts to 671 per
square mile, it being the most thickly inhabited region of Java. (See
Crawfurd, Dictionary.)

chap, xxv THE KING OF JAPARA 371

Japara has come to their aid. In the same way, when
these two Kings make war upon one another, the
Dutch assist whichever of them is the weakest.

The King of Japara resides in a town of which he
bears the name. It is about 30 leagues distance from
Batavia, and is only accessible by sea from the coast,
but lies nearly 8 leagues inland. From the town you
pass down a fine river to the sea, where there is a
good port and finer houses than there are in the town.
The King would prefer to make his ordinary residence
at this place, but thinks he would not be safe there.

On the eve of the day upon which I had intended
to start, I went to take leave of one of the Councillors
of India, and having mentioned to him that I was
going to the King of Japara, he was much astonished,
because this King and the Dutch were then mortal
enemies. He explained the matter to me in this way.
The deceased King, he said, father of the King who
reigns at present, ever since the Dutch Company had
built the fort at Batavia in his territories, has never
been willing to make peace with it. That during the
war the King had taken some Dutchmen prisoners,
and the Dutch, on their side, had taken twenty times
as many of his subjects, offering to give in exchange ten
of his for one of theirs ; but he would not give up one,
either on that condition, or for money, and on his death-
bed he advised his son, who succeeded him, never to
give liberty to one of them. This obstinacy troubled
the General and all the people of Batavia very much,
and obliged them to think of some means to bring him
to reason. It is the custom that as soon as a Muham-
madan King is dead, his successor sends some of the
principal nobles of his court to Mecca with presents in

372 TRAVELS IN INDIA book hi

order to make the priests pray for the soul of the deceased,
and also to give thanks to God and to Muhammad
because the new King has come to the throne without
any obstruction, and to pray that he may always be
victorious over his enemies. This new King and his
Council were in much difficulty as to how they should
make this voyage for two reasons, one because the
King had only small vessels, and to undertake so long
a journey on such vessels was risking much, joined to
which the native pilots and sailors are only fit for
going along the coasts, sighting from point to point,
because they do not understand how to take observa-
tions. The other difficulty was that the King of
Japara could not ignore the fact that the Dutch were
always (cruising) about his harbours to capture his
subjects if they went outside them. In order, then, to
secure that those who went on the pilgrimage should
be in safety, he bethought him that it would be best to
come to an understanding with the English, believing
that the Dutch would not dare to do anything to the
pilgrims if they were in English vessels. With this
object, an envoy was despatched to Bantam to the
English President and his Council, who promised
to give the King one of the largest and best ap-
pointed vessels of all those which the Company sent
to India. They stipulated as a recompense that on the
trade which the English might do in the future in the
Kingdom of the King of Japara, they should not have
to pay more than half the custom dues which they had
hitherto paid, and that this privilege should continue
to them always. This treaty being made, the English
equipped a very fine vessel and placed a larger crew
on her and more guns than usual. The King of

chap, xxv AN ENGLISH SHIP CAPTURED BY THE DUTCH 373

Japara's Envoy and two English merchants embarked
on the vessel in order to ratify the treaty with the
King, who at once signed it, being very well satisfied,
on seeing so fine a vessel, and concluded that both in
going and coming the voyage would be accomplished
in all safety. Nine of the principal persons of his
court, and the majority of his relatives, with eighty or
a hundred servants, and some other private persons,
who were delighted to find so good an opportunity of
accomplishing their pilgrimage, embarked with much joy
on this large vessel. All this was not done without the
Dutch being aware of it, as they had their spies every-
where, like the English. As it was necessary to pass in
front of Bantam in order to get out of the Straits, there
being no other route but that, the General of Batavia,
who had notice of the time of departure, kept three
large war- vessels ready, on which M. Chèvres, a
Councillor of India, and the Major were placed in
command. They met the English vessel off Bantam,
and as it was about to enter the Straits sent a cannon-
shot as a signal to her to bring to ; this the English
were unwilling to do, on seeing which the Dutch com-
menced to fire their guns from all three vessels. The
English, who well knew that if this continued they
would be sent to the bottom, lowered sails and prepared
to yield ; but all the Javanese nobles, and those who
accompanied them, cried out to the English that they
were traitors, and that the agreement which had been
made was merely to sell them and deliver them over
to the mercy of the Dutch. The Javanese at length
seeing that no hope of safety was left to them, and
that the Dutch commenced to board the vessel, seized
their creases, or poisoned daggers, and began to run

374 TRAVELS IN INDIA book hi

a muck1 against the English, of whom they killed a
large number before the latter had time to place them-
selves on the defence. It is possible that not one
would have escaped if the Dutch had not speedily
come on board, and some of the Javanese nobles,
and twenty or thirty of their servants, and the
passengers refused to accept quarter. The combat
was bloody, and seven or eight Dutchmen succumbed.
The English vessel having been taken to Batavia, the
General treated the crew with much civility, and sent
them back with their vessel, and afterwards gave
notice to the King of Japara that if he consented to
make an exchange of the Dutch prisoners, he would
give him all kinds of satisfaction. But the King
would not listen to it, and replied that if the General
had taken three times as many of his subjects
he would not give up the Dutch prisoners whom he
had in his power. Thus the poor Dutch always
remained as slaves, and the Javanese died of poverty
at Batavia, although, through policy, they were as-
sisted sometimes stealthily, so that the King of
Japara coming to know of it, through his spies, it
might cause him to treat the Dutch prisoners less
harshly.

The Javanese are very good soldiers. While
Batavia was besieged by the King of Bantam in the
year 1659, a Dutch soldier being in ambuscade in a
marsh, a Javanese advanced to see what the enemy
were doing, not thinking any of them were so close.
The Dutchman thrust a pike into his body, and the
Javanese feeling himself wounded, instead of with-

1 A Mocca in the original. The French edition of 1713 has it "to
cry Afocca." (See p. 362, n.)

chap, xxv A JAVANESE SOLDIER 375

drawing the pike, pushed it into his body up to
the hilt, where the Dutchman held it, in order to
be able to get near him, and give him two stabs
with his dagger in the stomach, of which the Dutch-
man died.

%\

CHAPTER XXVI

The Author renders tJie last duties to his brother % who
died at Batavia, and has fresh difficulties with
the General and his Council

Finding myself without hope of being able to go to
visit the King of Japara, I resolved to embark in a
small vessel which belonged to one of the citizens of
Batavia, and traded along the whole length of the
western coast of Sumatra. It is where the principal
part of the trade of this island, which consists of very
poor gold and pepper, is carried on. What induced me
to go was the opportunity it afforded of disposing of
some diamond rings made according to the custom of
the country. For although these people have for
sole garment only two or three ells of calico, they,
nevertheless, always like to have some diamond rings
or earrings, and they pay well for them. When at
the port, about to embark, a small barque arrived from
Bantam with my brother, who was very ill with a
bloody flux, which arose from the debauches he had
indulged in with the King of Bantam. The sight of
him in this condition caused me to give up my voyage
in order to do what I could for his cure, but all my
cares and all the remedies which could be applied
availed nothing, and at the end of thirty days God

chap, xxvi DEATH OF DANIEL TAVERNIER "> 377

took him from this world. In order to bury him I
was obliged to follow the somewhat strange customs,
which the Dutch have invented to cause an expendi-
ture of money by the heirs of a defunct l person. The
first is to those who go to pray at the interment, for
the more prayers one employs the more honourable
is the interment If one engages only one he pays
him but 2 ecus, but if he takes two he must pay 4 ecus
to each ; if he takes three, each ought to receive 6 ;
and if he employs twelve, the payment goes on increas-
ing in the same ratio. As I wished that the thing
should be done in an honourable manner, and was
ignorant of this pleasant custom, I engaged six of
these persons, and when it came to paying them I
was astonished to find that each one asked for 1 2 ecus,
and that I had to pay 72 for this single item. As for
the pall which is placed on the bier, it has to be hired
at the hospital, and it is a right which the poor enjoy
who derive profit therefrom. The commonest is of
cloth, and the three others of velvet, one without
fringe, another with fringe, and a third with fringe
and large tassels at the four corners. This causes an
expenditure of from 5 to 30 ecus, and I paid* 20 for
the one which was placed on my brothers bier. A
cask of Spanish wine, which was drunk at the inter-
ment, cost me 200 piastres.2 I gave 26 for three hams
and some ox tongues, and 22 for some pastry. It is
also the custom to send on the following day some
money to enable those who have carried the body to

1 The foregoing lines of this chapter are in the English translation
by John Phillips, compressed into the following quaintly expressed
sentence : — " While I stayM at Batavia my brother dy*d ; and it was
pretty to consider what the Dutch made me pay for his funeral."

2 £45-

378 TRAVELS IN INDIA book hi

the ground to rejoice, and as there were eight of them
I paid them 20 ecus. It cost 16 for the place in the
cemetery where the body was interred — 100 ecus being
asked for interment in the church. Thus the whole
funeral cost me 1223 livres1 of French money, and
after I had paid this sum it made me resolve, for my
own part, not to die in a country where it cost so much
to be interred. I praised God that notwithstanding the
troubles which I had experienced in Batavia, and of
which I have only as yet told a part, and the small
dissipations which one cannot altogether avoid in this
country, I have taken such good care of myself that I
have never been inconvenienced by the least headache,
nor a bloody flux, which is the ailment that carries
away many people. That which in my opinion has
contributed most to my health is, that I do not think
I have ever suffered from sorrow on account of any
misfortune which has happened to me. I have some-
times made great profits, and I have sometimes also
experienced severe losses ; but when in unpleasant
circumstances I have never been more than half an
hour in deciding what course I should adopt in the
future, without thinking more of the past, having
always in my mind the thought of Job, that God gives
and takes away as it pleases him, and that one should
render thanks for all that happens to us, whether it be
good or evil.

Seeing that the two voyages which I had proposed
to myself to make, one to Japara and the other to the
coast of Sumatra, in order to dispose of some jewels
which remained in my hands, had been prevented, I
at length resolved to sell the jewels at Batavia with

1 £91 114:6.

chap, xxvi DUTCH PAY-BILLS 379

the least possible loss, and then seek to invest the
money in something which would yield me a profit in
Holland. My jewels having been . sold, three or
four of my friends told me that as I had ready money
I could not invest it better than by buying rekenings
from the Company's servants. These rekenings* are
their accounts of the balance the Company owes them,
which are paid when they return to Holland. But
as there are many of them who, after their term of
service is completed, remain at Batavia and become
citizens there, or in other places where the Company
has settlements, as Malacca, the island of Ceylon,
the coast of Coromandel, and other places, each has
his account closed with what balance the Company
owes him. In order to obtain this money, since they
are habituated there, and do not think of ever return-
ing to Europe, they sell these statements of account
to those who have money and are returning home,
and the Company pays them in Holland. Those
who buy these accounts get them as cheaply as they
can — thus, for ioo piastres they generally give but
60 or 70, or at the most 80, being allowed by the
notary to sign a declaration that the seller is content,
and had received his payment. Whenever these poor
people sold their statements of account thus, to reason-
able persons, it was a convenience to them ; but most
frequently they sold them to hotel keepers and publi-
cans, from whom they did not obtain more than 40
or 50 per cent at the most. When the latter had thus
purchased up to 2000 or 3000 ecus, they placed the
"statements" in the hands of a notary to resell them

1 Requenings (for rekenings) in the original, meaning statements
of account or pay certificates.

380 TRAVELS IN INDIA book hi

to the commanders who were returning to Holland,
and who generally gave for them 85 or 90 per cent,
contenting themselves with being thus able to conceal
what they have taken from the Company, while they
have been chiefs of the factories.

The Company freely borrows all the money of
those who are willing to lend it, and gives them 25
per cent interest, but the commanders and other officers
take care not to lend it the full amount which they
have amassed, because they may be asked by what
means they have gained so much money, and be obliged
to render an account; for some of them, as I have
said, on their return to Holland take with them from
400,000 up to 500,000 livres} I dealt then with one
of these notaries of Batavia who had about the value
of 11,000 guilders* of these "statements" at 82 per
cent, and on the following day, the transfer having
been completed, I paid for them. As I was taking
these papers to my lodging I met the Avocat Fiscal,
who asked me what papers they were which my
servant carried. I told him they were " statements "
which I had just purchased at a certain price, to which
he replied that it was a little too dear, and that he
knew of some amounting to 6000 guilders, at a cheaper
rate ; these I obtained with his assistance at 79 per
cent. I sought to buy more, but more were not to be
found, for a ship's captain who was returning had bought

1 ^30,000 to £37,S°°- (See p. 417).

2 Guides in the original. The florin ox guilder of Batavia is given
by Kelly as being of the intrinsic value of is. 7-77d., and the Dutch coin
of the same denomination at is. 8.49a. The currency value was about
is. 8d. and is. çd. respectively in round numbers. Perhaps the true
exchange value of the latter was about is. 9^d. At is. çd. the 1 1,000
guilders represented a sum of ,£9625.

chap, xxvi DUTCH PAY-BILLS 381

for himself alone some to the amount of upwards of
100,000 guilders-, many other persons had also done
so, and the whole amounted in value to more than
400,000 livres.

Five or six days afterwards, while I was still seek-
ing for something in which to invest the remainder of
my money, I met the Avocat Fiscal, who asked me if
I had bought many of those rekenings. I told him
that I had not found any more, and that I had only
the two parcels of which he knew, amounting to about
1 7, 500 guilders] upon which he told me with a great
compliment that he was much distressed for those who
had bought them, because the General and his Council
had ordered him to make them give back all these
rekenings, as it had been decided that it was not just
that a poor man should lose so much of his wages. I
told him that I would willingly give them back into
the hands of the parties from whom I had purchased
them, provided that I was repaid my money at the
same time, and that I would get them over from
Bantam, where I had sent them with my baggage,
where I intended to return in a few days in order to
go to England with the English President, who had
civilly offered me a passage. At 6 p.m. one of the
General's halberdiers came to tell me that the General
wished to speak to me. I immediately went to him
and he asked me forthwith wherefore I had not given
these rekenings to the Avocat Fiscal when he had
asked for them in the names of himself and his Council.
I replied to him coldly that I was unable to give him
that which I had not got, and that they were in
Bantam. " You intend then" he said, "to go to
Europe?" " Yes" I replied, "and the President of

382 TRAVELS IN INDIA book hi

the English has done me the honour to give me a passage
andtJieuse of his table." I added that it was very true
that the long journey which I was about to make in
order to reach Surat, and from thence the diamond
mine, where my usual trade was, would cause me much
loss, and that if he had so willed it he might have
enabled me to save all this time and avoid the dangers
inseparable from these long journeys, by allowing me
to embark, as I had asked, on one of the vessels which
sailed for Bengal, Surat, or Hormuz ; that it would
have caused no injury to the Company, and that I
believed such courtesy was a thing which the General
and his Council should not have refused me, since I
had only come to Batavia in their service. When
I had finished speaking all the members of the Council
looked at one another, and the General having
whispered to M. Caron, told me that as I was
resolved to go by sea, their vessels were as good as
those of the English, and that I should enjoy equally
good treatment, and he offered me a passage by one of
them. This offer, which I did not expect, amazed me
a little, and I did not at first know whether I ought to
accept it or not. But at length I accepted, fearing that
by refusing it they might detain me for another year
without my having power to leave in any direction, a
friend having told me in confidence that the design of
the General and his Council was to so manage it, that,
whether from Batavia or from Europe, I should not
return to India any more, and that by this means they
hoped to prevent the commanders or chiefs of the
factories, which they have both in India and Persia,
from making further use of me to invest for them in
diamonds the money of which the Company was de-

chap, xxvi DUTCH PAY-BILLS 383

frauded.1 It was this which led me to accept the
passage, for which I thanked the General and his
Council. Subsequently the General told me to select
the particular vessel I preferred to go by, and that
when I informed him he would order a cabin to be
prepared for my own special convenience, but if I
would take his advice I should go on the Vice-
Admiral,2 because of the good company which would
be on board, and that I should find old friends whom
I had known in Persia and in the territories of the
Great Mogul. I tendered him my thanks for hav-
ing placed me in such good company ; but after he
had made this obliging offer he added that it was
absolutely necessary that I should place all the reken-
ings which I had bought, in the hands of the Avocat
Fiscal, and that without having done so I should not
be permitted to leave Batavia. He received no
further reply from me than that which I had already
given, that the rekenings were at Bantam, and that
I should have them sent for, provided he returned my
money, on which he told me that for what I had dis-
bursed, when I was about to leave, he would give me
an order from himself and the Council to be paid in
Holland by the Company. Some days passed with-
out the matter being mentioned to me, save that once
or twice I met the Fiscal, who asked me whether I had
not yet obtained the rekenings from Bantam. My
last reply was that I had written about them to the
English President, who had my box in his house, and
that I had asked him to send them to me ; but that he

1 The object of the Dutch was in short to deport Tavernier, whom
they regarded as a dangerous interloper.

2 The second ship of the fleet.

384 TRAVELS IN INDIA book hi

had replied that I must go for them in person, or at
the least should send a man with an order in my own
hand, and without that he could not send back
my box. The truth was that it would have been
difficult for him to send them, for the whole were with
me, and I wished to see whether the time would not
come when I should be asked no more about them.
However, all those who had purchased these rekenings %
merchants as well as captains and other persons who
were returning this year, were put in prison, and the
Council took from them, by force, all their papers,
deposed them from their offices, and they were sent to
Holland as common soldiers.

Four or five days before the fleet left, the Avocat
Fiscal came to tell me that he had the General's com-
mand to arrest me if I was still unwilling to place in
his hands the rekenings which he had already so often
asked me for. Having replied that I had nothing to
give him, he said, "be so good then as to follow me"
this I did willingly. He conducted me to a beautiful
place on one of the bastions, called " sapphire,"
where there is a pleasant house devoted to the amuse-
ment of the officers, and where the majority of the
respectable people of the town came to visit me, and
sent me presents of the best wines. On the following
day two Councillors came to see me, and told me that
they knew not to what to attribute the objection which
I had to place in their hands that which they asked for,
especially as they, with good grace, offered me an order
for payment on the Company in Holland. I replied
that it was not with a sufficiently good grace, and that
when I saw the order I should make it my business to
get back the rekenings. Two or three days more

chap, xxvi DUTCH PAY-BILLS 385

passed, during which the vessels commenced to set
sail, this caused these gentlemen, both those of the
Council of India and those of the town, to come to
see me, to the number of eight or ten. The Major, a
very respectable man, was in their company, and he
promised me that as soon as I had got the papers and
handed them to the members of the Council to calcu-
late the amount, he would so arrange it that the Gen-
eral would give me the order to be paid in Holland
on my arrival there. Seeing that the vessels were
about to leave and that I could not do otherwise, I
told them that they must allow me to go to Bantam ;
this they were unwilling to agree to, preferring to send
some one on my behalf to bring them. Having given
my word, they told me that I might go out on parole>
and that they were much distressed by what had
happened. I replied that they had reason to be dis-
tressed, because that having the honour to belong to a
great Prince, who was the late M. le Duc D'Orléans,
who did me the honour to love me, he would be able
to resent fully the injustice which they had done me,
and complain of it to the " States." At length, forced
by their unjust pressure, and by the necessity of leav-
ing with the fleet, of which I did not wish to lose the
opportunity, I gave them my rekenings, and from
day to day I went to see if they had counted them, so
as to give me the order which they had promised.
For the Vice-Admiral on which I was to embark re-
mained more than fifteen days after the other vessels,
because it was desired to send news by it, to Holland,
of what had been accomplished by a fleet which the
General had sent to take possession of the Philippines
by capturing them from the Spanish. The bad

VOL. II 2 c

386 TRAVELS IN INDIA book hi

weather experienced by these vessels when going there
was the reason that three or four were lost; and
they were obliged to return without accomplishing
anything.

It is the custom, when the vessels are about re-
turning to Holland, that the General entertains all the
principal officers of the fleet with the Council and the
most important personages of the town, and he did me
the honour to send to invite me also. The repast
commenced at 2 p.m., and at four tables there were
fully sixty persons of both sexes. I was seated between
the Major and the Secretary of the Grand Council ;
they were both men of worth, whose conversation
was agreeable. We had been seven or eight hours at
table, and they had already asked the General if it
pleased him that the comedy should commence, which
the youth of the town were to enact ; whereupon I
reminded the Major that he had promised me that as
soon as I had delivered my papers to the Council they
would give me an order to be paid on my arrival in
Holland. I told him that the Secretary, to whom I
had spoken in the morning, had given me reason to
hope that I should have it before dinner ; but the same
Secretary then said in my ear that I need not expect
it, and having finished speaking he rose from the table
in order to go to the comedy. I then asked our Vice-
Admiral and three or four merchants who were return-
ing to Holland to bear in mind what I should say to
the General and his reply to me, to serve me as wit-
nesses before the Directors of the Company when we
arrived in Holland. In the entre-acts of the comedy
every one took a glass and drank healths, and the
General having a glass in his hand, and addressing our

chap, xxvi DUTCH PAY-BILLS 387

Vice-Admiral, " it is to your health," said he, " and that
of M. Tavernier, whom may God vouchsafe to bless
and protect on sea during this journey, as he has done
in all the others which he has made by land." I replied
that I thanked him, and that I sincerely hoped that
God would bless our journey, but that I should not
make it without displeasure and without resentment for
their failure to keep their promise— neither he nor his
Council having kept the promise which they had made
me to give an order on my handing them my rekenings,
which amounted to 17, 500 guilders. That now, when
they had the papers which they asked for, they mocked
me ; but that I assured them I would publish their pro-
ceedings throughout the world. The General replied to
this that I should not trouble myself, and that I might
be cheerful during the voyage, as the order which he
had promised me would be in Holland as soon as
myself, and that I should have no cause to complain of
them. Though but ill satisfied with the General, I
took leave of him, and did not await the remainder of
the comedy, being anxious, amongst other things, to
prepare for my departure.

CHAPTER XXVII

The Autlwr embarks on a Dutch Vessel in order to

return to Europe

On the day following, at a very early hour, I took a
small Chinese boat to go on board, where, having
arrived, I found one of the General's bodyguards, who
came to convey to me once more his good wishes for
my voyage, and to tell me that Madame la Générale
begged me to accept a cask of Rhine wine, and some
pots of fruits preserved in vinegar, which she sent me.
There were cucumbers, mangos, citrons, and eggs with
their shells, which prevent them from becoming salt.
I had taken no provisions with me, because some days
before our departure the captain of the vessel told me
that if I brought any they would not be received on
board, he having been forbidden by the General. It
is the custom that the General gives 200 ecus to each
captain of a vessel in order to furnish himself with all
kinds of stores, and as I embarked by his advice on
the Vice-Admiral, he caused double the sum to be
given to the captain on my account, in order to have
the honour to cause no expenditure to a stranger to
whom he had offered a passage. Madame la Générale,
when sending this present, bethought herself, possibly,
of that which I had done some days previously for her

chap, xxvii EXAMINATION OF PASSENGERS 389

daughter. Some friends seeing that I had easy access
to the principal ladies of Batavia, begged me to intercede
for a young man, a native of Paris, who in consequence
of dissipation had come out to India as a soldier, and was
in danger of the surgeons cutting off his leg, where he
had an ulcer. To accomplish it I made a present to the
General's daughter, in order that she might ask the
Major and the Avocat Fiscal not .to appear to see this
young man when he was leaving.

We were still three days in the roads before setting
sail. On the first day the principal merchant of the fort,
who kept a record of all the goods which had been em-
barked, both for Holland and other places, came to the
vessel according to custom to examine the bill of lading,
and have it read over by the captain of the vessel and
the merchants who came with him, whom he made
sign it. This bill of lading was placed in the same
box where they shut up all the account books and
records of all that had passed in the factories of India,
both concerning trade and as regards civil and criminal
justice, and the covering over all the goods was then
sealed.

On the second day the Major with the Avocat
Fiscal and the chief surgeon also came, according to
custom, to examine all those who were in the vessel
returning to Holland — the Major in order to see
whether there were any soldiers who were going with-
out leave, for every one must have his passport with
him ; the Avocat Fiscal to ascertain if any of the writers
were concealed who wished to escape before their term
was accomplished. The Chief Surgeon of the fort
comes to see that all the sick persons who are being sent
home have ailments which are incurable in the country,

390 TRAVELS IN INDIA book hi

because some soldiers may obtain leave from the
Major by means of friends, as he did, whom as I have
said, I carried off; for the surgeon is obliged by oath
not to allow any one to go unless he considers that he
cannot be cured but by going to Europe. The Major
is bound to give the roll of all the soldiers, both of
those who are well and those who are ill, to the Avocat
Fiscal, who makes them come on the vessel one after
the other ; and it is then that the sick ones are ex-
amined by the surgeon. It was perhaps not impossible
that he whom I took might have been healed of his ill-
ness in the country ; but by the favour of the Fiscal he
was not called with the others, and escaped in that way.

On the third day the principal persons of the town
and many ladies came to bid adieu to their friends
who were leaving, and brought with them wine and
food to entertain them, music accompanying the good
cheer, and at 6 p.m. all of them returned home.

On the following day at daybreak we set sail, and
were clear of the Straits sooner than we expected,
because generally the wind is contrary, and besides we
were leaving twenty-four days after all the others, the
season for going to sea being nearly over. As soon
as we had left the Straits we saw Prince's Island.1
From thence our direction was to make for the Cocos
Islands,2 and when in the latitude of these islands we

1 Prince's Island is at the western end of the Straits of Sunda,

2 There are several groups of islands called Cocos : first, there is
one in the Bay of Bengal between the Andamans and the mainland ;
second, a group of four coral-girt islands, in Lat. 30 N., near Hog (or
Sinalu) Island on the W. coast of Sumatra ; and third, the Cocos or
Keeling Islands, from 700 to 800 miles S.W. of Sumatra, in Lat. 120
10' S. and Long. 970 E. It was probably the last which Ta vernier
refers to. They produce cocoanuts in abundance, and have for many

chap, xxvii A COLLISION AT SEA 391

spent two or three days scouring the sea, expecting to
sight them, but were unable to do so, this caused
us to direct our course straight for the Cape of Good
Hope.

On the forty-fifth day after our departure from
Batavia (for I do not wish to weary the reader with a
journal of our voyage), our Vice- Admiral neglected to
order the ships lantern to be lighted, in the belief that
the whole fleet had already arrived at the Cape of
Good Hope. It happened that a vessel of the same
fleet called the " Maestricht " also omitted to light its
lantern on the same night, and as it was very dark
and the sea was high, it came into collison with our
vessel, this threw every one on either side into great
consternation. Each one set himself to pray to God,
believing that one or other of the vessels would be
lost. Ours, which was called "les Provinces," was
considered to be the largest and the best of the vessels
which sailed to India, this was apparent from this
collision, it having received so severe a shock. Every
one realising the danger we were in, laboured to dis-
engage the other vessel from ours, and good fortune
willed that the yards of the " Maestricht," which
were entangled in our rigging, broke away, and in
order to help matters we cut some of them with an
axe. Thus, with great trouble, the " Maestricht " was
disengaged, and drifting all along the length of our
vessel, when she was passing the prow she broke off
the "beak-head."

years been in the possession of an English family, several of whose
members reside there, and there are a few Malays there too. A recent
account of this group will be found in A Naturalist's Wanderings, by
A. D. Forbes.

392 TRAVELS IN INDIA book hi

On the fifty-fifth day of our voyage we came in
view of the Cape of Good Hope, where we remained at
sea five or six days, because the waves being very high
we did not venture to enter the roads to cast anchor.
This was not because there was much wind then, but
because the south wind had blown so long that it had
driven the sea on the coast. The sea having calmed
down, we cast anchor, and this is what I have been
able to observe there.

Of all the races of men I have seen in my travels
I have found none so hideous nor so brutal as the
Comouks,1 whom I have mentioned in my account of
Persia, and as the inhabitants of the Cape of Good
Hope, whom they call Cafres or Hottentots. When
the latter speak they make the tongue click {peter) in
the mouth, and although their voice is scarcely articu-
late they easily understand one another. They have
for sole garments the skins of wild beasts which they
kill in the forests, and when it becomes cold in the
winter in this place, which is in 350 and some minutes
of latitude, they turn the fur inside, and when it is
warm they turn it outside. But it is only the more
well-to-do among them who are thus clothed, the
others having only some miserable scrap of cloth to
cover their nakedness. Both men and women are of
spare habit and small stature, and as soon as a male is
born his mother partially castrates him, and gives him

1 Comouks in the original, and Comouchs in the Persian Travels,
Book III, chap, xi, where Tavernier describes them as robbers living at
the foot of the mountains of Cotnanie (i.e. the region between the Cau-
casus and the north-western shores of the Caspian Sea, bounded on the
north by the Terek river). He distinguishes them from another people,
the Kalmouchs (Kalmucks), who, he says, inhabit the coast of the
Caspian between Moscovie and Great Tartary.

chap, xxvii THE CAPE OF GOOD HOPE 393

sea-water to drink, and tobacco to eat. They perform
this partial castration because it makes them swifter in
running, so they say. It is true that there are some of
them who can capture roebucks by running them down.
I have had the curiosity to examine many of these
Cafresy and I found they had all been castrated on the
right side. They have no knowledge of gold, silver,
nor any kind of money, and have not, so to speak,
any religion.

On our arrival in this place after we had cast
anchor, four women came on board bringing with them
four young ostriches, which were cooked for some of
our sick men. Subsequently they brought us numerous
turtles and ostrich eggs, and another kind of eggs as
large as the eggs of a goose. The birds which lay
these eggs are a kind of goose, and have so much fat
that it is impossible to eat them, they taste rather of fish
than of flesh.1 These women, observing that our cook
threw into a wooden bucket the entrails of two fowls
and a goose which were for our supper, took them, and
having squeezed them from one end to the. other in order
to express the contents, of which only half was ejected,
they eat them in that condition, being much pleased

1 These birds were in all probability penguins. (See vol. i, p. 216,
/*., and p. 399.) They are mentioned by Castanheda as occurring at St.
Blaze, 60 leagues to the east of the Cape of Good Hope : — " On the
rock also there are great numbers of birds as large as ducks, which do
not fly, having no feathers in their wings, and which bray like so many
asses." Note. — Lichfield calls them stares, as large as ducks. Osorius
says that the natives called them solitario, and that they were as big as
geese. (See Kerr's Voyages and Travels, vol. ii, pp. 309 and 393.)
Sir T. Roe says, " They are a strange fowle, or rather a miscellaneous
creature of Beast, Bird, and Fish, but most of Bird. Confuting that
definition of man to be Animal bips implume, which is nearer to a
description of this creature." {Journal, Calcutta edition, p. 2.)

394 TRAVELS IN INDIA book hi

also because our captain gave each of them two cups
of spirits to drink. Neither men nor women have the
slightest shame about exposing their nudity, and they
live almost like beasts.

When they see vessels arriving they drive cattle
to the shore and bring what they have to barter
for tobacco, spirits, and beads of crystal and agate,
which are cheap at Surat, and for some hardware.
When they are not content with what is offered them
they immediately take to flight, and at the sound of a
whistle from their mouths all their animals follow them,
and you see no more of them. Some persons on one
occasion, seeing them fly, fired musket-shots in order
to slay the cattle, but since then, for some years, these
Cafres have not brought their beasts, and there has
been much trouble experienced in inducing them to
return. It is a great convenience for the vessels
which touch there to obtain supplies, and the Dutch
have had good reason for building a fort there. There
is now a fine village inhabited by people of all nation*
alities who live with the Dutch, and all kinds of grains
which are brought thither, both from Europe and
Asia, on being sown, grow much better than in the
places from whence they have been brought. It is a
very good country which is, as I have said, at the
35th degree and some minutes of latitude, and it is
neither the air nor the heat which makes these Cafres
so black as they are. Desiring to know the explana-
tion of it, and wherefore they smell so strongly, I in-
quired from a young girl who was taken as soon as her
mother had brought her forth, and was nursed and
reared in the fort, being as white as one of our
European women. She told me that the reason that

chap, xxvii CAFRES AT THE CAPE 395

the Cafres are so black, is that they rub themselves
with an ointment which they make of different simples
known to them, and that if they do not rub themselves
often, and as soon as they are born, they become
dropsical like other blacks of Africa, and like the
Abyssinians, and the inhabitants of Saba, who have
one leg twice the size of the other ;l few of these
people ever living more than forty years. It is true
that these Cafres, brutal as they are, have nevertheless
a special knowledge of simples, and know how to apply
them to the maladies for which they are specifics ; this
the Dutch have very often proved. Be it that the
Cafres are bitten by a venomous animal, or that an
ulcer or other disease appears, by means of these
simples, which they know how to select, they accomplish
the healing in a short time. Of nineteen sick men
who were in our vessel, fifteen were placed in the
hands of the Cafres, the maladies consisted of ulcers
in the legs or arose from wounds received in war, and
in less than fifteen days all were perfectly cured. Each
sick man had two of these Cafres to attend upon him,
and as soon as they saw what the condition of the
wound or ulcer was, they sought for the drugs, and
crushing them between two pebbles applied them to
the sore. As for the four others they were not given
into their hands, being so permeated with the ailments
which accompany venereal disease that they could not
be cured at Batavia. They all four died between the
Cape and the Island of Saint Helena.

In the year 1661 there returned from Batavia on
a vessel named the "West Frisland," a young
Breton gentleman, who, after having squandered all

1 The disease known as elephantiasis.

300 TRAVELS IN INDIA book hi

his money in Holland, entered the Company's service.
Having arrived at Batavia a multitude of mosquitos
bit him on one leg during the night, and an ulcer
appeared on which all the surgeons of Batavia had
expended their skill and remedies ; and if the General
had not given him permission to go home it would
have been necessary to amputate his leg. When the
ship arrived at the Cape, the captain having sent the
Breton on shore to give him some ease, these Cafrcs
began to examine him, and said that if they were
allowed to treat him they would cure him in a short
time. The captain placed him in their hands, and in
less than fifteen days his leg was rendered as sound as
the other which had never had anything the matter
with it.

As soon as a vessel has anchored at the Cape, the
commander gives some of the soldiers and sailors
permission to go on shore to refresh themselves.
Those who during the voyage have been most indis-
posed go first, each in his turn, and they go to the town,
where they are fed for 7 or 8 sols a-day, and enjoy
good cheer.

It is the custom of the Dutch to send parties from
time to time to explore the country, and those who
go furthest are best rewarded. A number of soldiers
having gone in a party with a sergeant who commanded
them, and having advanced far into the country, they
made a large fire at midnight, both to protect them-
selves from lions and for warmth, and they lay round
it to rest. Having gone to sleep, a lion seized one of
the soldiers by the arm, and immediately the sergeant,
firing a shot from his gun, slew the animal. When it
was dead its jaws had to be forced open, with great

chap, xxvii DUTCH COLONISTS AT THE CAPE 397

effort, in order to release the soldiers arm, which was
pierced from side to side. It is apparent from this
story that it is an error to suppose that lions do not
approach a fire.1 These Cafres healed the soldiers
arm in twelve days. You see in the fort an abundance
of skins of lions and tigers.2 Among others there is
the skin of a horse which these Cafres killed. It is
white barred with black stripes pricked out like a
leopard, and without a tail.3 At a distance of 2 or
3 leagues from the fort the Dutch found a dead lion
which had four porcupines quills in its body, which
had penetrated the flesh three-fourths of their length.
It was accordingly concluded that the porcupine had
killed the lion. The skin is still kept with the spines
sticking in the foot.4

At one league's distance from the fort there is a
fine village which grows from day to day. When the
vessels of the Dutch Company arrive, if any soldier
or sailor wishes to remain there he is welcomed. He
takes as much land as he can manage,6 and, as I have
above said, all kinds of vegetables and pulse, and even
grapes grow readily, and rice also is cultivated. These
people have young ostriches, beef, and sea and fresh

1 I think some African travellers have been of opinion that a fire
attracts lions, and that a substantial fence is requisite for the protection
of a camp.

2 By tigers here we must understand leopards, as tigers do not
occur in Africa any more than lions do in the eastern and southern parts
of India, where Ta vernier has so often referred to their presence in
previous pages.

8 Zebra ; it should have had a tail.

4 Numerous cases are recorded of tigers having died in India from
this cause, and also of occasionally having been found, when shot, to
have porcupine quills sticking in them.

6 Here we have an early reference to the establishment of the
Dutch Boer colony at the Cape.

398 TRAVELS IN INDIA book hi

water fish in abundance. In order to obtain the young
ostriches when they wish, as soon as the birds are
seven or eight days old they go to the nests, and
driving a stake into the ground tie the young birds by
one of their feet in the nest, so that they cannot escape,
leaving them to be fed by their parents till they are
of good size, afterwards they are taken to be sold or
eaten.

When the Dutch began to inhabit the Cape of
Good Hope, they took, as I have said, the daughter
of one of these Cafres as soon as she was born. She
is white and beautiful, save that she has a slightly
depressed nose, and she serves as interpreter to the
Dutch. She had a child by a Frenchman, but the
Company would not allow him to marry her. On the
contrary, they confiscated 800 livres of his wages ; this
was somewhat severe on him.

There are in this country quantities of lions and
tigers, and the Dutch have discovered a contrivance
which answers well for killing them. They bind a
gun to a stake driven into the ground, and place some
meat at the end of the gun, which is bound to a cord
attached to the trigger. When the animal comes to
take this meat the cord draws the trigger, and the
gun discharging the balls lodge in the mouth or body
of the animal. The Cafres eat a root which resembles
our root of cheriiy,1 which they roast, and it serves
them as bread. Sometimes they make it into flour,
and it tastes like chestnuts. As for flesh, they eat it
raw, and fish also in the same condition ; and as for
the entrails of animals, as I have already said,2 they
merely squeeze them to exclude the digested matter

1 This was apparently a kind of yam. 2 See p. 393.

chap, xxvii A RELAPSE INTO SAVAGERY 399

and then eat them. The majority of the women bind
these entrails, when dried, round their legs, especially
those of wild beasts which their husbands slay in the
woods, and they wear them as ornaments. They also
eat turtles after they have roasted them for a short
time, so that the shells can be removed. They are
very skilful in hurling the assegai, which is a kind of
dart, and those who have not got any, use a stick an
inch thick, of a very hard wood, and of the same length
as the dart. They make a point on it and hurl it to a
considerable distance with their hands. They take
these sticks with them to the margin of the sea, and
as soon as a fish comes to the surface they do not fail
to transfix it.

As for those birds which are like our ducks, their
eggs contain no yolk ; there are a great number in
the country, and in a bay which is 18 miles from the

Cape they are killed with blows of a stick.1

.....

During the time while M. Vandime was General,
the Dutch captured a young Cafre boy at the Cape
and sent him to Batavia. The General took great
pains to have him instructed in languages, so that in
seven or eight years he learned Dutch and Portuguese
in perfection. He then wished to return to his country,
and the General not desiring to constrain him to
remain, equipped him with linen and clothes, thinking
that when he arrived at the Cape he would live like the
Dutchmen, and would aid them in obtaining supplies
for their vessels whenever they arrived. But he was
no sooner at the Cape than he threw his garments
into the sea and fled with the other blacks, eating

1 See vol i. p. 216, /*., and p. 393.

400 TRAVELS IN INDIA book hi

raw flesh as before, and since then he has remained
with them without having any intercourse with the
Dutch.1

When these Cafres go to hunt in the forest
they assemble in large numbers, and have certain
terrific cries and shouts, so that the beasts are all
frightened by them, and it is then easy to slaughter
large numbers of them when thus terrified. I have
even been told that these cries frighten the lion.

1 Some curious examples of this kind of speedy relapse into
savagery, after a long course of education from infancy, have occurred
among the inhabitants of the Andaman islands.

^-

CHAPTER XXVIII

The Dutch fleet arrives at St. Helena, and the Author
gives a description of that Island

After having been twenty-two days at the Cape of
Good Hope, seeing that the wind was very favourable
to us, our Vice -Admiral ordered the anchor to be
hoisted, and we directed our course for the Island of
St. Helena. As soon as the sails were set and
prayers had been said, all the sailors and soldiers de-
clared they would go to rest and sleep till they got to
St. Helena. For one steady wind always prevails
and bears you, generally in sixteen or eighteen days, to
the anchorage at that island. During the whole course
the sails were not touched, because the wind was
always astern, and the only trouble which the sailors
had was that fourteen days after our departure two of
them were sent to the mainmast top to watch, in
order to sight the island ; for as soon as it is sighted
the pilots should take good care to be ready to cast
anchor on the side facing northwards, and it is neces-
sary to approach the land in order to cast it, otherwise
there is no bottom found. If these precautions are
not properly taken, and if the anchors do not find
bottom, the currents in the air and ocean quickly carry
the vessel past the anchorage and there is then no

VOL. II 2D

402 TRAVELS IN INDIA book hi

hope of returning, because the wind is always contrary
and never changes.

As soon as two of our anchors were cast into the
sea the soldiers and sailors were summoned, and the
crew made the vessel as tight as they could. They
also fixed stages outside to scrape the hull and
grease it ; this was accomplished in two days. Then
all the persons on board were divided into two parties,
and the Vice-Admiral addressed them from the quarter-
deck as follows : " Gentlemen, we shall remain here
twenty-two days, arrange which of you desire to go
first on shore to refresh yourselves and hunt, and let
all return here on the eleventh day so that the others
may also go (in turn)." Each of the men who went
on shore was given a pair of shoes, and they carried
large chaldrons, and supplies of rice, biscuit, spirits, and
salt. On reaching land they ascended the mountain,
but three or four remained below to collect sorrel,
which grows to 2 or 3 feet in height and is very
good. When they had collected a load of it they went
to find the others, who were in pursuit of wild pigs,
which abound in the island. When they had killed
some they cooked the flesh with the rice and sorrel,
which make a fairly good kind of soup, and purges
insensibly without one's knowing it. While on shore
they did nothing but sing, drink, and eat, and they had
to send some of the pigs to the vessel every day. For
each pig an ecu and a pair of shoes were given them,
because, on account of the mountain being high and
steep, this chase gave the men much trouble. I have
elsewhere spoken of the Persian greyhounds which
are taken to St. Helena for hunting wild pigs, and
after having been used they are thrown into the sea,

chap, xxviii ST HELENA 403

not being carried farther for the reason I have pointed
out in the same place.

While those who are on land occupy themselves
with this sport, those who remain in the vessel employ
the time in fishing ; for there is a great abundance of
fish around this island, especially mackerel. Each
sailor and soldier is given a measure of salt, with which
they salt the fish, and then hang them to dry in the
wind. They feed themselves upon this dried fish after
leaving the island, and generally have sufficient for
thirty or forty days, and each receives only a little
oil and rice cooked in water ; this saves the Company
a quantity of food.

All the pigs, sheep, geese, ducks, and hens which
were on board were sent on shore, and as soon as
these animals had eaten the sorrel, which purges
them as well as it does men, in a few days they became
so fat that when we approached Holland it was
almost impossible to eat them, especially the geese and
ducks, on account of the fat.

There are two places off the coast of St. Helena
where one can anchor. The best of them is the one
where we were, because the bottom is very good for
anchorage there, and the (drinking) water which comes
from the top of the mountain is the best on the island.
In this part of the island there is no level ground, the
mountain rising from the very shore. There is but a
small place close to the sea, where formerly there was
a chapel where a Portuguese priest of the sect of
St. Francis lived for fourteen years ; but at present
this chapel is half ruined. While this priest lived there
he made presents to the vessels which touched there,
furnishing them with fish, which he caught and dried,

404 TRAVELS IN INDIA book hi

and they gave him in exchange rice, biscuit, and
Spanish wine. After he had dwelt there for the time
I have said, and had lived a very austere life, he fell ill,
and by good fortune it happened that a Portuguese
vessel arrived just then. All that could be was done
to relieve him, but he died five days after the vessel
had anchored, and was interred by people of his own
nationality.

The anchorage is less good at the other roads, but
on shore there is a beautiful plain where all that is
sown arrives at maturity. The orders of the Dutch
Company are at present, that, if a vessel takes
cabbages, salad, or other vegetables, seeds must be
sown for the benefit of those who may come after-
wards. There are an abundance of lemon and some
orange trees, which the Portuguese formerly planted.
For this nationality has that much good about it, that
wherever it goes it seeks to do something for the
benefit of whoever visits the same place subsequently.
The Dutch act altogether otherwise and seek to de-
stroy all, to the end that those who come afterwards
shall find nothing. It is true that it is not. the superior
officers who act in this way, but the majority of the
sailors and soldiers, who say to one another, " We shall
not return any more," and in order to obtain the fruit
from the tree more quickly, they cut it down to the
ground instead of plucking (the fruit itself).

A serious disturbance in the fleet was on the point
of breaking out. Although our vessel left Batavia the
last of all, since she was a good sailer, she was the
second to arrive at St. Helena. One day the Vice-
Admiral, the captain, and other officers of the vessel
determined to go in the skiff towards this plain, in

chap, xxviii ST HELENA 405

order to obtain some vegetables and lemons. When
we arrived there (for I was with the party) we were
much surprised to find nothing on the trees, and only
some remains of cabbages and radishes on the ground.
We did not doubt that the crew of the vessel called
the Encuse, which had arrived some days before us,
had done all this damage, and our Vice- Admiral
resolved to go on board to inquire into the matter.
When we got there we found quantities of lemons and
vegetables in the cabins of the captain and pilot,
and all the sailors presented lemons, with which they
were well provided, to our men. The captain of the
vessel offered a present of some to the Vice- Admiral,
which he refused to accept, saying that it was treason
to all the fleet, and that all these refreshments must
be collected and put together in one place until all the
vessels had arrived, so that each poor invalid might
have some of them. The sailors and soldiers who had
filled their chests with them were very unwilling
to consent ; but the Vice-Admiral, making use of his
authority, said that if they did not bring all the lemons
which were still remaining, he would hang a number
of them, when the Admiral and the remainder of the
fleet, which consisted of eleven vessels, arrived.
The captain, fearing this threat, used so much com-
pulsion with his crew that the whole were brought into
his cabin and properly shut up until the fleet had
arrived, so that each vessel had its share of this small
refreshment.

When all the fleet had anchored in the roads of St.
Helena, there was nothing but feasting and rejoicing,
sometimes on one vessel and sometimes on another ;
and the English fleet, which consisted of nine vessels,

chap, xxviii ST HELENA 407

and thus they are always in a miserable condition
of poverty.

While the two fleets »were in the roads at St.
Helena the English and the Dutch entertained each
other in turns, and there was continual festivity. The
day our Vice-Admiral entertained our Admiral and
some of the chiefs of the English fleet, it was not on
board our vessel, for as soon as he told me of his in-
tention, I advised him to give his feast on land ; this
he did with greater credit and more freedom than the
others had done. I offered him for the purpose my
tent, and the carpet and cushions which I had still with
me, and had used in my journeys by land ; and I
further promised to open, on his account, my cask of
Rhine wine, which Madame la Générale had presented
me with, and even to contribute to the collation half
a dozen bottles of Mantua wine, and a similar quantity
of that of Shiraz. He was delighted with the offer I
made him, and immediately we went on shore to pitch
the tent ; this gave us some trouble, because we could
not find any level spot even of the size of the tent ;
but our sailors made one near the river, from whence,
while eating, we might contemplate the high mountains
and the pointed rocks, where we saw the male and
female goats leaping from one side to the other.

On the following day, between 9 and 10 A.M., he
had the pleasure of seeing all the guests in their boats,
some with trumpets and drums, others with violins and
other musical instruments ; this could not have been
if the Vice- Admiral had given his entertainment in the
vessel, where all these different classes of people could
not have come. As the feast, then, was on land, the
majority of the ladies, both English and Dutch, who

408 TRAVELS IN INDIA book hi

were in the fleet also came, without being invited ; and
so instead of one table three were required, and those
who expected to eat in the tent, under shade, were
obliged to yield their places out of politeness to the
ladies. During the repast there was a great noise of
trumpets and other musical instruments, and at each
health all the guns of the vessels fired a discharge.
The first health which was drunk was that of the King
of England, after which followed those of the States
General, of the Prince of Orange, and of the Com-
panies, and then came the healths of the chief officers
of the fleet and of some private persons. At the close
of the repast, when we were ready to return on board,
a disaster happened which somewhat marred the enjoy-
ment of the company. The Admirals trumpeter hav-
ing drunk a little more than he ought to have done,
mounted on a high rock in order to blow his trumpet,
and from time to time he rolled down large stones.
Although ordered to stop, because it was seen that some
injury might happen, he did not cease, however, find-
ing some amusement in it ; and at length he let go a
very large one, which, jumping from rock to rock, went
through the tent, where it broke a case of wine and
killed a small boy born at Batavia of Dutch parentage.
He was being sent to Holland to learn the language
properly, and to be taught to read and write. For
these children, though born of parents who have come
from Holland, never learn Dutch properly while they
remain at Batavia, being brought up among servants
and slaves, who addict themselves more to the Portu-
guese language than to Dutch. These children also
learn from them a thousand wickednesses, and at the
age of nine years they know more lechery than do

chap, xxviii DEPARTURE FROM ST HELENA 409

youths of twenty years in Europe.1 After having
buried the child the company returned on board sooner
than they would otherwise have done, and they were
distressed that a day which had been so joyful had so
sad a termination.

On the two following days we had numerous visits,
and there was not a lady who did not come to our
vessel ; I believe it was less on our own account than to
ascertain if we had still any Rhine wine, which they
had found to be excellent at our Vice-Admirals feast.

After our vessel had been twenty days at anchor
(for the others which arrived later had less time to re-
fresh themselves) the Admiral fired three cannon shots,
and hoisted a large flag on the poop of his vessel, as a
signal to all the captains and pilots to come on board,
where, having arrived, they held council in order to
settle what route should be taken for Holland. The
majority maintained that they should go to the west
rather than to the south, because the season for navi-
gation was much advanced, and by sailing towards the
West Indies we should find the proper winds for
Holland. But it happened altogether otherwise ; for
as soon as we had passed the line we found the winds
contrary to what our pilots had expected ; this was the
reason why we were afterwards obliged to go to the
64th degree in the latitude of Iceland, and return to
Holland from the north.

1 There is, it is to be feared, some applicability in these remarks
to the case of children reared in India at the present time.

chap, xxix THE FLEET MEETS ITS CONVOY 411

the kind ; elsewhere in the voyage we felt much
greater heat. I am quite ready to admit that if a
calm had caught us under the line, instead of the
propitious wind which we experienced, we should have
felt the heat more than we did.

After some days' sailing we spent three in passing
a bank where the sea is full of a plant, the leaf of
which resembles the leaves of the olive.1 This plant
has fruits like large white gooseberries, but they con-
tain nothing inside. At length, after many more days'
sailing, we sighted the coasts of Iceland, and after-
wards the Island of Ferelle,2 where the Dutch fleet
already awaited us, constantly firing cannon shots to
intimate to us its position. As soon as the two fleets
sighted one another, each vessel fired all its guns, and
took up position by its patron, that of the Admiral by
the Admiral, that of the Vice-Admiral by the Vice-
Admiral, and so of all the others. We numbered
eleven vessels, there came also eleven other vessels to
meet us, and after each had recognised its mate, the first
thing that was done was to send on board the vessels
from India a quantity of supplies, as casks of beer,
smoked meat, butter, cheese, good white biscuit, and
for every vessel one cask each of Rhine, French, and
Spanish wines. As soon as the supplies were on
board our vessel, the soldiers and sailors took three
or four of the casks of beer, which they placed on
end close to the mainmast, breaking them open with a
cannon-ball, and they were then free to whoever wished
to drink. It was the same with the food, for both drink

1 This was the sargossa weed, Fucus nalans, which is found in
the Pacific. The so-called fruits are the floats.

2 Faroe islands.

chap, xxix ARRIVAL IN HOLLAND 413

who went to beseige the Manillas, from joy at behold-
ing their country again, fixed a quantity of large and
small wax tapers about the poop and bow of the vessel,
where the wind, when they were lit, could not extin-
guish them. The same was done in five or six of the
vessels ; this gave out such an extraordinary light that
the whole fleet was alarmed. On our vessel alone, there
were more than 1 700 of these wax tapers, both large
and small. The sailors had kept them since they
were at the Manillas, from whence they had brought
a large quantity, as also from Point de Galle in the
Island of Ceylon. For when on shore they pillaged
and burnt some convents which were in the country,
and as wax is cheap throughout India, and is easily
bleached, every religious house always has a large
supply of wax tapers on account of the festivals, when
numbers are lighted before the grand altar and in all
the chapels. Thus the least of the Dutch sailors had
thirty or forty of these tapers for his share, and some
of them had some as thick as the thigh.

The command was, according to custom, that our
vessel, as Vice- Admiral, should go to Zealand. We
were on the coast seven whole days without being able
to enter Flushing,1 on account of the sand which
frequently changes its position. As soon as we had
cast anchor, more than fifty small boats came about
our vessel, but keeping a short distance off, being for-
bidden to come alongside. Each then began to call
out and ask the names of persons in order to carry
the news of their arrival to their relatives and friends.

On the day following that on which we anchored
off Flushing, two of the members of the Company

1 Flessingue in the original.

chap, xxix MIDDELBURG 415

known a sailor at Middelburg, who in a debauch
broke glass to the value of 250 livres, when drinking
to the health of his friends. But the publicans do not
receive all the money of these people, as the women of
pleasure get their share of it too.

The two Directors of the Company, who came on
board as soon as the anchor was cast, to give permission
to the crew to go on shore, and appoint persons for
the protection of the vessel, did me the honour to
salute me at once, and I received many expressions of
kindness from them. They ordered a collation to be
served at the same time, and, drinking to my health,
asked me if I had anything to complain of with regard
to any of the officers of the vessel. I replied that on
the contrary I had every reason to praise them, that
they had all treated me with great civility, and that I
gave thanks to the Vice-Admiral, to the captain, and
to all the merchants of the vessel for the good friend-
ship they had shown me during the voyage. For it
should be stated that besides the Vice-Admiral we had
a captain under him. The Directors told me that they
were much pleased that I was satisfied with the treat-
ment I had received, telling me that if I had any
chests I had only to place my mark on them, and that
they would take care to have them carried to the
Company's House at Middelburg, where I might come
to claim them in four days. It required fully this time
for them to discharge a part of what was in the vessel,
which could not reach Middelburg with a full cargo.
I thanked them for their goodwill, and, having placed
my mark on my chests, left the vessel and went by
land to Middelburg.

It was the year that the Chamber General was

chap, xxix PRIVATE TRADE OF THE DUTCH 417

remarked that the more one approaches the north
the less one meets with civility and honesty among
the inhabitants, and that manners follow the harshness
and roughness of the climate.

The very same evening the Directors did me the
honour to send one of their officers to invite me to
dine with them on the following day. Many persons
interested in the Company were at the repast, and I
believe that they were there less for the good cheer
than to hear me talk, thinking that I might know
many things in regard to the private trade which the
representatives of the Company engage in, in India.
They were not mistaken ; and I may say that no one
could be better informed than I was of the methods
which these agents, who have the management of the
factories in Persia and India, practise in order to
enrich themselves. For they never return to Holland
empty-handed, and when they take but 100,000 or
150,000 florins they count it a poor thing. I have
known many of them who have amassed up to 600,000
and 700,000 florins ; as, for instance, among others the
Sieur Nicolas Obrechit, who was chief of the Dutch
factories both at Ispahan and Hormuz and other
places in Persia, during the years from 1635 to 1640.
Those who were his friends and had done trade with"
him estimated that he carried away more than 15,000
tomans, which are equal to about 690,000 livres?
without estimating what he had expended on the gout
with which he was afflicted, and the other ailments
which oftener arise from relationships with the courte-
sans of Persia, than from the trouble expended in
packing silk, weighing it, examining its quality, and

1 Equal to ^51,750.
VOL. II 2 E

chap, xxix THE SIEUR OBRECHIT 419

Chinese and Tonquinese could not obtain silk except
through the hands of the Dutch. Whatever it may cost
they must have it to clothe themselves with, as they use
no other materials for their garments. It was in these
two years, 1636 and 1637, that the Sieur Obrechit filled
his purse ; for instead of 500 or 600 bales of silk, which
is the most they receive from the King of Persia, the
General of Batavia and his Council wrote to him that
whatever the price he must send them 2000 loads.
I have alluded, in the first volume of my history, to the
agreement made between the King of Persia and the
Dutch Company ; and I have also made mention, in
connection with this subject, of the small success of the
negotiation of the Ambassadors of Holstein, of which
the Secretary of that embassy has without doubt not
boasted in the account which he has given to the public.
Therefore, for fear of wearying the reader, I shall not
repeat it here, and I shall only ask him to remember
that the arrival of these Ambassadors, which caused
apprehension and jealousy among the Dutch, was the
cause that the latter raised the price of silk so much that
they removed all desire in other nations to outbid them.
Thus Obrechit, having then received an order
from Batavia for 2000 loads of silk, irrespective of
cost, and this quantity being all that Persia could
supply, as he was shrewd and loved profit beyond all
things, he succeeded so well in intriguing with the
Armenians and other merchants in Persia that he ob-
tained the 2000 loads of silk which had been ordered.
It is true that beyond the 500 or 600 loads which
the Dutch receive from the King, according to the
agreement made between his Majesty and the Com-
pany, Obrechit was obliged to pay at a high rate for

chap, xxix THE DIRECTORS AT MIDDELBURG 421

would not suffice to clothe us. On my return from
one of my voyages I went to see him at a village
bearing his name, situated one league from the Hague.
I saw him ill in bed, and suffering from several diseases,
and I believe that he often then recalled to mind what I
had said to him at Ispahan.

I must now return to the Directors and the members
of the Company with whom I dined at Middelburg.
Most of them desired that I should inform them of the
manner in which the agents of the Company behaved
in Persia and India, and the others asked me to speak
of my travels. I preferred to satisfy the latter, and
avoided all reference to trade. It is true that
if I had not had some suspicion of the deception
which they played me subsequently, I would pos-
sibly have told them many things from which they
might have derived benefit. For in the space of the
forty years during which I have often visited Persia
and India, there have been few persons in the service
of the Company who have not told me of all the tricks
they made use of in order to acquire money. In return
for this confidence, when they were about to return
home, I endeavoured to furnish them with a good
parcel of diamonds, which occupy but little space.
If then I had declared to these gentlemen what I knew
of this matter, they would have gained much in study-
ing the record I should have given, and by discovering
the knavery of their servants, and by doing rightly
by me, their conscience would not be charged as
it is, concerning the 17,500 florins which General
Vanderlin and his Council seized from me at
Batavia. That which astonishes me most is, as I
have elsewhere remarked, that when the General and

422 TRAVELS IN INDIA book m

his Council took from me the value of these 17,50c
florins, they made a hundred promises that I should
be paid immediately I set foot in Holland, but thi;
was not done in spite of all the steps I could take foi
its accomplishment. For when leaving the feast thai
was given at Batavia on the departure of the fleet, 1
took four witnesses of the fact, namely, our Vice
Admiral and three merchants, to whom, when taking
leave of the General and Council, I said aloud in theii
presence that they would be my witnesses if Goc
permitted us to arrive in Holland or Zealand, anc
would remember that the General and his Council die
not give me on my departure that which they hac
promised, namely, an order which I could show to th«
Directors of the Company, by which they would set
that 17,500 florins were due and payable to me 01
my arrival. The General's response was to take 1
glass of wine and wish me a pleasant journey, assuring
me that the order would arrive in Holland before me
The Directors, to justify their refusal to pay me, tok
me that the General and his Council had writtei
nothing to them concerning the matter, and that whei
they received an advice of it they would at once pa-
it. I was at length obliged to bring an action agains
them which lasted two years, before I was able to fine
either at Amsterdam or the Hague, a notary wh
would serve a summons, every one fearing them, a
they were both judges and parties to the suit. Durin;
these two years I often entered their assembly, wher
they always gave me some hope, but in reality the
were laughing at me. I have hardly ever been d(
ceived when looking a man in the face, as I knoi
almost exactly what is in his mind. I remarked tha

chap, xxix TAVERN IER'S CLAIM 423

many of these men had the appearance of loving their
own interests and caring little for those of others, and
among others there was a young man who represented
Encuse, who gazed earnestly at me. After having
looked at me for some time he asked why I had been
at Batavia, where strangers have no business. I re-
plied to him that all these gentlemen were sufficiently
acquainted with it, and that as he was the only one
who did not know, his beard was too young to oblige
me to explain to him. As their procedure annoyed
me, and I was enraged at seeing myself treated so
unjustly, I added in speaking to this young man that
he would do better at Encuse selling his butter and
cheese than where he was. The President interrupted
me gently, and told me that I must offend no one, to
which I replied that I had seen too much to render an
account of my doings in this manner, and that what
I did at Goa and Batavia was at the request of the
Chief of the factory at Vengurla, and solely for the
purpose of rendering a service to the Company. This
discourse being finished, the President asked me to go
outside for a short time, which I did. Afterwards,
having returned, he told me that he still knew nothing
about the matter, and that all these gentlemen believed
that I would not remain there, but would still make
another journey to Asia, and as I praised the good
treatment I had received on their vessels on my return
voyage, they again offered me a passage, and would
give orders that I should be treated even still better
than before ; that as soon as I arrived at Batavia I
should be paid ; that they would send an order to that
effect to the General and his Council, and that I might
embark on the first vessel which left for Surat or

424 TRAVELS IN INDIA book m

Hormuz. I thanked these gentlemen for all their fine
offers, and told them that I preferred to make three
journeys by land rather than one voyage by sea. In
conclusion, at the end of five years the Directors wrote
to my brother (for I had then returned to India) that if
he was willing to take 10,000 livres in satisfaction of
my claim, he might come to receive them. This my
brother did, and he gave them a receipt in full. I
leave the reader to judge of the equity and conscience
of these gentry. For either they owed me 17,500
florins or they did not. If they did not, why pay me
10,000 livres ? And if they did owe me, why not pay
me fully. I am not the only person to whom they
have done injustice of this kind. I know many other
more serious cases, the recital of which would not be
to their advantage.1

Such was my return from India in the year 1649,
the only time I returned by sea, having made, as I
have said, all my Asiatic journeys by land, both when
going and returning, counting as nothing the short pas-
sage in the Mediterranean ; and my first journey was
wholly by land, from Parîs by Germany and Hungary
to Constantinople, where I also went on the return
from my last journey in the year 1669. From Con-
stantinople I went to Smyrna, where I embarked for
Leghorn, and from Leghorn I travelled by land to
Genoa, from Genoa to Turin, and from Turin to
Paris, where I took the King that beautiful parcel of
diamonds of which I have spoken in the discourse on

1 As to the merits of this case, without the other side of the question
before us, we cannot venture to decide. But, on the whole, Tavernier
got off much easier than did the Dutch subjects, who also bought rcken-
ings at the same time, for they not only had to give them up but were
imprisoned and sent to Holland as common soldiers (see p. 384).

chap, xxix THE KING OF FRANCE 425

precious stones.1 His Majesty had the goodness to
give me a very favourable reception, which was a
glorious conclusion to my long journeys, in which I
have always had for my primary object to spare no-
thing in order to make known to the great monarchs
of Asia, that there is one grander than them all, in
Europe, and that our King infinitely surpasses them
both in power and glory.

My first thoughts on finding myself in Paris, on the
return from my sixth journey, were to return thanks
to God for having preserved me, during the space of
forty years, among so many perils which I had run, by
sea and land, in regions so far distant.

1 See p. 1 26.

THE KING'S LICENCE

Louis, by the grace of God, King of France and of Navarre, to our be-
loved and liege Councillors, the Members of our Courts of Parliament,
Masters of the Requests ordinary of our House, Bailiffs, Seneschals,
or their Lieutenants, and to all others whom it may concern, greeting :
our well beloved Jean Baptiste Tavernier, Esq., Baron of Aubonne,
having informed us that he has written a book which has for title,
Six Voyages made in Turkey, Persia, and India, during- the space of
forty years, and by all the routes that can be taken, which he desires
to print and sell, if it pleases us to grant our letters, necessary to
him who humbly seeks them. For these reasons we have permitted
and shall permit the Petitioner to have the said Book printed in such
volume, margin, or type, as he may be advised, and to sell and dis-
pose of it throughout our Kingdom and the territories subject to us,
during the space of fifteen years, to date from the date on which the
said impression may be completed ; during which time we expressly
inhibit all Booksellers and Printers from printing, selling, or disposing
of the said Book, and also of reprinting it, except with the consent
of the Petitioner or of those who hold the right to do so from him,
on pain, to those acting otherwise, of a penalty of three thousand
livres fine, one-third to us, one-third to the Hotel Dieu of our City
of Paris, and the remaining third to the said Petitioner; also of
confiscation of the counterfeit copies, and of all expenditure, damages,
and interest ; on condition of placing two copies of the said Book in
our Public Library, one in that of our Chamber in the Palace of the
Louvre, and one in that of our beloved and loyal Chevalier and
Chancellor of France, the Sieur Daligre, before offering it for sale,
on pain of nullifying these presents, which will be registered in the
proper place ; and in placing at the beginning and end of them a
statement acknowledging that they are bound by the terms agreed
upon, and of their willingness to allow the Petitioner to enjoy them
quietly and peaceably.

We command in the first place our Usher or Sergeant, on this

THE KING'S LICENCE 427

requisition, to undertake for the execution of these presents all neces-
sary deeds and actions without further permission, notwithstanding
" Clameur de Haro? " Charte Normande? and all else to the contrary.
For such is our pleasure. Given at Versailles the 7 th day of
October, in the year of Grace one thousand six hundred and seventy-
five, and of our reign the thirty-third. By the King in Council.

Desvieux.

Registered on the Book of the Society of Booksellers and Printers
of Paris, the 14th November 1675, according to the resolution of
Parliament of the 8th April 1653, and that of the King's Privy
Council of the 27th February 1665.

(Signed) Thierry, Syndic.

And the said Jean Baptiste Tavernier, Esq., Baron of Aubonne,
has ceded and transferred his rights to Gervais Clouzier and Claude
Barbin, Merchant Booksellers, in accordance with the agreement
made between them.

Printed for the first time the 1st of October 1676.

APPENDICES

APPENDIX I

i . T/te Great MogiiVs Diamond and tlie true History

of the Koh-i-nur

Although the writers on this subject are very numerous, still it is
believed that almost every one of them who has contributed to its
elucidation has been consulted in the preparation of this account ;
and it is certain that many, whose writings have also been consulted,
are chiefly noteworthy for the amount of confusion which they have
unfortunately introduced into it. The principal authorities are
enumerated in the note below.1 It would only prove puzzling to
the reader and cloud the main issue were any considerable space

1 It will be convenient to classify the principal authorities according to the
theories which they have respectively adopted, as follows : —

First, Those who maintain the identity of the Koh-i-nur with
BAbar's Diamond : —

Erskine, Life of Btiber, p. 308 ; Rev. C. W. King, Natural History of
Precious Stones, Bonn's Ed., 1870, p. 70; E. W. Strecter, The Great Diamonds
of the Worlds p. 1 16.

Second, Those who maintain the identity of the Koh-i-nur with the
Great Mogul's Diamond, and who either treat BAbar's Diamond
as distinct or make no special reference to it : —

James Forbes, Oriental Memoirs, 1834, vol. ii, p. 175 ; Major -General
Sleeman, Rambles and Recollections, 1844, vol. i, p. 361 ; James Tennant,
Lecture on Gems and Precious Stones, 1852, p. 84 ; V. Ball, four. As. Socy. of
Bengal, 1880, vol. 1, Pt. ii, p. 31, and Economic Geology of India, 1881, p. 19.

Third, Those who maintain the identity of the Koh-i-nur with both
BAbar's and the Great Mogul's Diamonds: —

Official descriptive Catalogue of the Great Exhibition of iS$i, Pt. iii, p. 695 ;
Kluge, Handinich der Edelsteinkunde, Leipzig, i860, p. 240; Professor N.
S. Maskelyne, Roy. Inst, of Great Britain, March i860, and Edb. Rev., 1866,
pp. 247-8 ; Genl. Cunningham, Arch. Reports, vol. ii, p. 390 ; Professor Nicol,
Encyclopadia Britannica, Art. " Diamond."

It would not be difficult to add to the above a score of names of writers who
have supported one or other of these theories.

432 TRAVELS IN INDIA

devoted to refuting the errors and correcting the misquotations
regarding it, which are so common in works on precious stones. It
seems to he a better course to endeavour to secure close attention
to the facts of the case, supported by well -verified references, so
that the reader may be in a position to pronounce for himself a
verdict on definite evidence alone, and accept or reject the conclu-
sions which are here suggested.

In order, so to speak, to clear the way for the discussion, it will
be necessary, as a preliminary, to give short accounts of all the large
diamonds with which authors have sought to identify the Koh-i-nur.

Firstly, there is the diamond of Sultan Bâbar, which his son
Humayun received in the year a.d. 1526 from the family of Râjâ
Bikermajit, when he took possession of Agra, It had already then
a recorded history, having been acquired from the Râjâ of Mâlwâ
by Alâ-ud-din in the year 1304.1 Regarding its traditional history,
which extends 5000 years further back, nothing need be said here ;
though it has afforded sundry imaginative writers a subject for
highly characteristic paragraphs.

According to Sultan Bâbar the diamond was equal in value to
one day's food of all the people in the world. Its estimated weight
was about 8 mishkals, and as he gives a value of 40 ratis to the
mishkal — it weighed, in other words, about 320 ratis. Ferishta2
states that Bâbar accepted the diamond in lieu of any other ransom,
for the private property of individuals, and that it weighed 8
mishkals or 224 ratis. Hence 1 mishkal = 28 ratis, from which we may
deduce that the ratis Ferishta referred to were to those of Bâbar, of
which 40 went to the mishkal, as 28:40 ; and this, on the supposition
that the smaller rati was equal to 1.842 troy grs., gives a value of 2.63
troy grs. for the larger, which closely approximates to the value of the
pearl rati of Tavernier. If on the other hand we deduce the smaller
from the larger (at 2.66 grs. for the pearl rati) we obtain for it a
value of 1.86. So far as I am aware, this explanation of Ferishta's
figures 3 has not been published before. The value of the mishkal
in Bâbar's time, as being a more tangible weight than the variable
rati, has been investigated by Prof. Maskelyne,4 and he concludes
that it was equal to about 74 grs. troy, and that if taken at 73.69

1 Sec Erskine's Memoirs of Sultan Bô her ; p. 308.

2 History of the Rise of the Mahomedan Power in India, etc, trans, by J.
Briggs, London, 1829, vol. ii, p. 46.

3 See also Dow, History of Hindustan, 1812, vol. ii, p. 105.

4 Lecture at the Royal Institution, March 1 860.

THE GREAT MOGUL'S DIAMOND 433

grs. troy, and multiplied by 8, it would yield a weight exactly
corresponding to that of the Koh-i-nur when brought to England,
namely 186.06 carats. Accepting the second estimate for the value of
the mishkal, that of Babar's rati would be 1.842 gr. troy, and the value
of his diamond in carats might be expressed by the following equation.

320 x 1.842

— ri) . : -7= 186.06 carats.

3.168 (troy grs. in a carat)

In such a calculation it is well to bear in mind that a very slight
variation in the rati, as a unit, would, when multiplied, produce a
considerable difference in the result. Thus, if 1.86 were put instead
of 1.842, the resultant would be enhanced above the desired figure,
namely the weight of the Koh-i-nur.

Here I must leave Babar's diamond for the present, without ex-
pressing any more decided opinion as to the absolute accuracy of the
data which make its weight appear to be actually identical with that
of the Koh-i-nur, being, however, as will be seen in the sequel, quite
content not to dispute their general correctness, though my deduction
therefrom does not accord with Professor Maskelyne's.

In the year 1563 Garcia de Orta, in his famous work on the
Simples and Drugs of India,1 mentioned four large diamonds, one of
which he was told had been seen at Bisnager, i.e. Vyayanagar, and
was the size of a small hen's egg. The others weighed respectively —

120 mange Us = 200 rat is = 150 carats.2
148 „ = 233^ „ = 175 „
250 „ = 4165- „ = 3121 „

None of these three last can be identified with the Great Mogul's
diamond, because, even supposing it had been already discovered at
so early a date as 1563, it must then, as will be seen hereafter, have
been uncut, and had a weight of 787 J carats, or more than double
the weight of the largest of them ; but it might have been the one
spoken of as being of the size of a small hen's egg, as that was
probably its form in its early condition when acquired by Mir Jumld.
As to whether any of the stones mentioned by Garcia could have
been the same as Bàbar's diamond, it is quite useless to speculate ;
but, as none of them are said to have belonged to the Mogul, it
seems to be most improbable.

In the year 1609, De Boot, in his work on gems, etc, referred to

1 Colloquios dos Simples e drogas e causas medicinaes da Itulia, p. 1 59.

2 He says the mangeli — 5 grs., the carat 4 grs., and the rati 3 grs. (of
wheat).

VOL. II 2 F

THE GREAT MOGUL'S DIAMOND 435

No attention has hitherto been given by writers to a large diamond
which, as pointed out in a footnote,1 was obtained by a Portuguese
who worked the mine at Wajra Karur in Bellary about the beginning
of the seventeenth century. It weighed, apparently, 434.7 carats.
Nothing of its subsequent history is known ; but it cannot have been
the one presented by Mir Jumlâ to Shah Jahdn. It may, however,
have been the Pitt diamond, which, when offered to Pitt in 1701,
weighed 426 carats ; but if so, it remained uncut for nearly a cen-
tury, and the generally accepted story of the Pitt diamond is that it
was obtained at the mine at Partial.

We may now pass to a brief summary of the facts contained in
Tavernier's several independent references to the Great Mogul's
diamond —

Firsts In order of sequence, after describing the Mogul's jewels,
he mentions (vol. i, Book II, chap, x, p. 395) its weight as being
3 19 J ratis, or 280 carats, the rati being |th of a carat. When first
presented to Shah Jahan by Mir Jumlà it weighed, he says, goo ratis
or 78 7 \ carats, and had several flaws, but when he saw it it was
round, rose cut, very steep at one side, with a notch on the basal
margin, and an internal flaw ; its water was beautiful.

Secondly, When describing (vol. ii, Book II, chap, xvi, p. 74) the
mine of Kolliir (Gani or Coulour) he says that there was found in it
the great diamond which weighed 900 carats (?) before cutting, and
was presented to Aurangzeb (?) by Mir Jumlà. This account, as
already pointed out, contains several mistakes. Tavernier adds that
the mine had been opened 100 years previously.

Thirdly (voL ii, Book II, chap, xviii, p. 97), he states that the
Great Mogul's diamond was of perfect water and good form, and
weighed 2791*5- carats. Its value he estimated as amounting to
11,723,278 livres, 14 sols, 3 Hards, or ^879,245 : 18 : ij. If it had
weighed 279 carats only it would have been worth 11,676,150 livres,
and consequently the value of the i^th of a carat, owing to the
geometrical method of calculation, amounted to 47,128 livres, 14 sols,

3 Hards, or ^3534 : 13 • *!•

Fourthly (voL ii, Book II, chap, xxii, p. 123), he states that he was
permitted to weigh the diamond, and ascertained its weight to be
319 J ratis, or 279W carats, and adds, "when in the rough it weighed,
as I have elsewhere said, 907 ratis, or 793 f carats." Its form was as
of an egg cut in two.

1 Sec p. 54.

THE GREAT MOGUL'S DIAMOND 437

different values, the former being equal to 2.66 l troy grs., and the
latter to about 1.842 (or 1.86?) grs., hence the respective weights, in
carats, as already shown, are i86Ty and 279^, the difference in
weights of the two stones being therefore, apparently, 93 \ carats. But
in anticipation of the discussion to be found on page 447 as to the
reasons which have led to the conclusion that Tavernier used the
light Florentine carat, it should be stated here that the weight of
the Mogul's diamond, in English carats, was 4 per cent less than
Tavemier's figures, in terms of Florentine carats ; hence its weight, in
order to be compared with other diamonds given in terms of English
carats, should be 268 £#, from which, if we subtract 186^, the differ-
ence would be 82 J carats, nearly. The similarity between the weight
of Bâbar's diamond at 320 ratis, and the Mogul's at 319J ratis, is
delusive, as in raft's of the same denomination the former figure
should be given at about 224 rafts, which is Ferishta's equivalent for
8 mishkals. So that the real difference amounts to 319^-224 =
95 \ rati*, or, expressed in carats, at |ths of a carat = 1 rati, 83 \ carats.
This is sufficiently close to the 82 J carats, independently deduced,
to justify the conclusion that the weight of Bâbar's diamond was
about 83 carats less than that of the Mogul's.

There is, I believe, no direct record of the size and weights of the
diamonds carried away from Delhi by Nadir Shah, but before dealing
with that portion of the history, it will be convenient to refer here to
an interesting statement by Forbes 2 which has been overlooked by
most writers on the subject He states that a Persian nobleman,
who possessed a diamond weighing 117 carats, which was subsequently
lost at sea, informed him when at Cambay in the year 1781, that
there had been two diamonds in the Royal Treasury at Ispahan, one
of which, called Kooi toor \Koh-i-nurT), "The Hill of Lustre," weighed
264 carats, and its value was estimated at ,£500,000. The other,
called Dorriainoor (Dariya-i-nur), " The Ocean of Lustre," was of a
flat surface. Both formed a portion of the treasure, amounting in
value to from 70 to 80 millions sterling, which Nadir Shah carried
away from Delhi in 1739.

Forbes suggests that the first was the Mogul's diamond, described
by Tavernier, remarking that the difference between the weights 264
and 279TV carats may easily be allowed between the accounts given

1 On page 448 my reasons for modifying the first conclusion, stated in vol.
i, Appendix, as to the value of the pearl rati will be explained.

2 Oriental Memoirs, vol. ii, p. 175.

THE GREAT MOGUL'S DIAMOND 439

Mogul's or Babar's diamonds. The diamond of 187 J carats referred
to by De Boot has been shown to be mythical. Again, Tavernier
did not see any stone of the weight above attributed to Bâbar's
diamond in the possession of the Great Mogul, Aurangzeb, nor
can we suppose that he heard of any such diamond being in the
possession of Shah Jahân, who was then confined in prison, where he
retained a number of jewels in his own possession.1 If either he
or Bernier had heard of such a stone he would surely have men-
tioned it. It is probable, however, that Bâbar's diamond was really
in Shah Jahan's possession when Tavernier saw Aurangzeb's jewels,
and that the latter obtained possession of it when Shah Jahàn died.2

Tavernier's statements, in so far as they relate to this history,
are — I. That the Great Mogul's diamond was found in the mine at
Kolliir, when, we cannot say, though Murray, Streeter, and other
writers have ventured to assign precise dates. II. It was acquired
by Mir Jumld, and presented by him to Shah Jahàn about the year
1656. III. It originally weighed 900 rafts or 787 J carats; but
having been placed in the hands of Hortensio Borgio, it was so
much reduced by grinding, distinctly not by cleavage, that, when
seen by Tavernier, he personally ascertained that it only weighed
3 19 J ratis or 279^ carats. IV. The figure given by Tavernier,
though very rudely drawn, is of a stone which must have weighed
full 279-^5- carats (Florentine), and it corresponds fairly with his
description. V. This description mentions a steepness on one side
and certain flaws, etc.

In order to identify the Mogul's diamond with Bdbar's, certain
authorities, notably Professor Maskelyne, have suggested that
Tavernier's description did not really apply to the diamond presented
by Mir Jumld to Shah Jahân; that the stone he describes had
therefore not been found at Kolliir ; that he was mistaken as to the
particular kind of ratis which he mentions, and that consequently
his equivalent in carats — calculated on the supposition that they
were pearl ratis — was incorrect; finally, Professor Maskelyne
maintains that Tavemier's drawing of the stone differs from his
description of it, and was wholly incorrect and exaggerated in size.

Thus, in order to establish this supposed link of the chain, we are
invited to whittle down Tavernier's account until it amounts to a
bare statement that he saw a large diamond, about which all that
he records as to its weight and history is incorrect.

1 See vol. i, p. 371. 8 See vol. i, p. 344.

•Mo TRAVELS IN INDIA

If I were not prepared to maintain that a jeweller of Tavemier's
large experience could not possibly have made the mistakes which
have thus been suggested, I should feel that I had rendered a very
ill service in editing these volumes. It is incredible that having
actually handled and weighed the stone, at his leisure, he could
have made so great a mistake as to believe that it weighed 279-^, or
in round numbers 280 carats (Florentine), while it was really one of
only 1S0 carats (KnglishV

The custom, which has been followed by many authors, of adopt-
ing or rejecting Tavernier's statements according as they agree or dis-
agtco with their indcjiendently conceived hyjKrtheses, is one against
which ve are bound to protest. It is a kind of treatment which no
author should receive. It" supposed to be guilty of so many blunders
and inaccuracies of statement, the proper course would be to leave
all that sv.ch an .::::: vr states severely alone.

k-.vi.;.:*..; frc:*a Ta vernier's drawing and description, the stone had
isv:1. yL'.c-.::^: '; \ H^r.cr.sio Porjio to a fairly symmetrical shape as a
•c:.*v! :cv. c:v >:.L* Nr::".::. however, steejxr than the other, which
v.\ .-v. :'v.:./* ::•..: .y.:<.\: :^ scir.e extent in the original drawing, is
: v. ;r\:.:"\ v. : : > -, " v r<. v roduci-i in the copies in various works on
*r .■ 'v\'x .*.**/. >. :*v >:" :!:e c*.:>> models which have been made are
a c * » *\-\v: ■. . ■: : vs rt^yoc:, but ire il:^e:her too small. This

* ■ v • s ■ - .v. > . ■ . av .:u <<* : hc-se r^ jô ; . > ore se metim es refe rred t o

* ; v, ^ . v» .-. ■".--.',■■.: i-j:>;r.::c ev:ii-je c: the trae form of the

v. %- \-.v - - ..^.r -: ^ <;— e -sher. we cir. a^ee wi:h those

■ v ,-x * v wj - . --.-i-I :"--: K^mts ciizr.or.d and the

V,> * *. v , >. v: :.: *■-.- r;sL -i" r.c: ill ce ihem, we must

o.'-- « - .*. . ^ -~ - ;hi: i>< M:-i-:*$ cii=:r.d no longer

*wx .-. % . \ : > < ...c- ?c,\u< iii=.cc:c rr-i: Nidir Shah

"-■■ ^ - - - '. 'i- -* i--i TCir :*5- r-: rr.e Mcguis

* x ■ ■- ^ ■■"v-" ^- "-^ .7:.T:eIiire cliîn tr be regarded
•.■ '\. s.* .;. -..-.- —:-.-. * *..;■; ▼--> ^il^ r-:cn Muhammad

NV x« ^ -. \ v ^ vl : c ,\s>, -o^-:. Tr* "j-tf ti> in err-inentlv
x :^" « v ■■■ " '." -N V.^-j serre i? :: m-is when seen

v" ■'* ^ v- ■* '■■■ -^:.-s-c :.:■ ::cl:^ r - - = hs su'r^uer.t
'" * Av ** '■ ■ " * *■-■* %-> r*-^ sc rcc^.itfir^lT rec\>£uised

' x- v ^■v 1 ^ • ■«. .» .x ^-s ttv :.;e JC-t >y««x«- wjs rikea by

\

1 X

\ %\ *i • » s- n.. . -^ -.^ *x *- « "nnio^s «c ^5 Vît- -» j»

-" "-^ * *v î :■. ;^ *:xiir s ccc*rc^ Accept-

THE GREAT MOGUL'S DIAMOND 441

ance of these stories has been rendered difficult by some authors
having attempted to assign names and weights to these pieces, the
sum of the latter being greater than the total weight of the Mogul's
stone, as it was when seen by Tavernier. Thus the Orloff, the Great
Mogul itself, and the Koh-i-nur have been spoken of as having
formed parts of the same stone.1 This hypothesis is in opposition
to everything connected with the histories of these stones which can
be relied on ; but as regards the possibility of the Koh-i-nur alone
having been carved out of the Great Mogul's diamond, it is not
argument — but is simply begging the whole question — to asserrthat
the Koh-i-nur existed 120 years before Borgio handled the Mogul's
diamond. This Mr. Streeter has done,2 and in his accounts of these
diamonds he several times repeats that " all are agreed " that Bihar's
diamond and the Koh-i-nur are identical, and the Mogul's distinct,
which are precisely the points at issue. Indeed he might be reminded
that in his own previously published work3 he states that "any
doubt as to the Mogul and Koh-i-nur being identical is but rarely
entertained"; this, I venture to believe, was the sounder opinion
than the one more recently advocated by him.

At the meeting of the British Association in 18514 Dr. Beke
referred to a diamond found among the jewels of Reeza Kuli Khan
at the conquest of Khorassan by Abbas Mirza in 1832. It weighed
1 30 carats, and showed marks of cutting on the flat or largest face.
It was presented to the Shah, and the jewellers of Teheran asked
;£i 6,000 for recutting it Dr. Beke suggests that it was a part of the
Koh-i-nur, meaning thereby the Mogul's diamond. This could not
have been the case, because, as we have seen, the Mogul's diamond,
if identical with the Koh-i-nur, had only a margin of about 82 \ carats
to lose, while if the latter be identical with Bdbar's diamond it could
have lost nothing. At the subsequent meeting of the Association6
Professor Tennant improved on this by suggesting that the Russian
diamond, i.e. the Orloff, formed a part of the same. Another sug-
gestion about the Orloff has already been dealt with on a previous
page.

A host of other writers have taken up this story, and lastly, Pro-
fessor Nicol in his article on the diamond in the Encyclopaedia
Britannica has unfortunately suggested that these three stones formed

1 Quenstedt, Klar and IVahr, Tubingen, p. 79.
2 Great Diamonds of the World. 8 Precious Stones, Ed. p. 126.

4 See Athen<tum% July 5, 1 851. 6 Ibid. September 25, 1852.

442 TRAVELS IN INDIA

portions of the Mogul's stone seen by Tavernier, which amounts to
saying that these three, weighing respectively 193, 186^ and 130
carats,1 or in all 509^ carats, were portions of one which weighed
only between 279 and 280 (Florentine) carats. His statement that
"the three united would have nearly the form and size given by
Tavernier " is simply incomprehensible.

If, however, we merely suppose that the Mogul's stone, while in
the hands of one or other of its necessitous owners, after it was taken
to Persia by Nadir, had pieces removed from it by cleavage, which
altogether (there were at least three of them) amounted to the differ-
ence between its weight and that of the Koh-i-nur as it was when
brought from India, namely, 279^- Florentine carats = 2 68|£ English
carats - i86TV = 82 J carats, we at once arrive at a simple explanation
of the cause of the difference in weight between the stones, and are,
moreover, thus enabled to show that Tavernier's account requires no
whittling down, though the stone itself, after he saw it, appears to have
been subjected to that process.

This would be but an hypothesis based on the rumours above
referred to, were it not so strongly corroborated by the appearance
presented by the Koh-i-nur itself when taken by the British from the
Treasury at l^ahore. Mr. Tennant 2 describes it as exhibiting, when
brought to England, two large cleavage planes, one of which had not
exrn been pciished^ and had been distinctly produced by fracture.

No one can examine the authentic sketches and models of the
Koh-i -nur without feeling a strong presumption that it must have
been mutilated, alter cutting, and that it cannot have been left in
such an incomplete condition by the jeweller who cut and polished
it In addition to its possessing defects similar to some of those
described by Tavernier as having been in the Moguls diamond, Mr.
Tonnant records tha: the Kch-i-nur had a flaw near the summit
which» beirt£ on a line of cleavage parallel to the upper surface,
may very possibly have been produced when the upper portion was
removed— the weight of which, together with that of two portions
KtnovtNl from the sides, ar.d the loss occasioned by the regrinding
of four ÙvVîs v>n the uytw surùce, may very easily have represented
the décence in :he weighs of the two stones, namely S*£ carats.
l>as ux\ hi a -easure. expLtins the discrepancies between

THE MOGUL'S DIAMOND

(of Tavemier).

Named Keh-inur by Nadir Shah IN 1739.

Figures illustrating its mutilated condition when brought to England in 1850.

FIG. I. The circle is of the same diameter as the Mogul's Diamond, figured
by Tavemier (see Book II, chap, nii, Plate II). The shaded portion represents
the basal surface of the Kck-i-nur,

Fig. II. The Koh-i-nur, showing the surfaces from whence portions had
been removed by cleavage. A, Flaw parallel to cleavage plane H ; B and C,
Notches cut to hold the stone in its setting ; D, Flaw parallel to plane G, pro-
duced by fracture at E ; F, Fracture produced by a blow ; G, Unpolished cleav-
age plane produced by fracture — it was inclined at an angle of 109* 28' to the
basal plane H. From Mr. Tennant's figure.

Fig. III. The opposite aspect of the Kek-i-nur from a glass model.

1

I. 1

THE GREAT MOGUL'S DIAMOND 443

Tavemier's description, which, as Prof. Maskelyne l admits, very fairly
characterises the Koh-i-nur (i.e. certain flaws and defects in it, which
happened to be in the portion preserved), and the figure, which, as it
represents the whole stone, does not, at first sight, seem to resemble
the Koh-i-nur. The accompanying illustration (Plate VI) and
descriptive notes prove not only the possibility of the Koh-i-nur having
been thus carved out of the Mogul's diamond, but they represent
graphically the extreme probability of the truth of that suggestion.

Tavemier's account of the Mogul's diamond has, I think, been
fully proved in the preceding pages to be quite inapplicable to Bâbar's
diamond, while all his facts and the balance of probability favour the
view that in the Koh-i-nur we are justified in recognising the muti-
lated Mogul's diamond Thus, while this theory, which has been
built up on the basis of Tavernier's statements, is consistent with the
literal acceptance of all of them, and with the physical condition of
the Koh-i-nur when it came to Europe, of none of the other theories
can the same be said ; but, on the contrary, to suit their respective
exigencies, they require the total rejection of one or more of the
carefully recorded observations on the condition of the Mogul's stone
when placed in the hands of this experienced jeweller for examination.2

The necessary conclusion is that it is not the Mogul's diamond
which, through failure of being historically traced, as some authors
assert, has disappeared, but it is Bâbar's diamond of the history of
which we are really left in doubt. The fixing of the weight of
Bâbar's diamond at a figure identical, or nearly so, with that of the
Koh-i-nur when brought to England, though used as a link in the
chain, has, as I think I have shown, effectively disposed of its claim
to be identified with the Mogul's diamond in the first place, and
secondly with the Koh-i-nur.

It has already been intimated that the Dariyd-i-nur, a flat stone,
which weighs 186 carats, and is now in the Shah's treasury,8 may very
possibly be Bâbar's diamond, with regard to which I can only say that
I have in vain sought for any well authenticated fact which in the
slightest degree controverts or even throws doubt upon that suggestion.

1 Proceedings of the Royal Institution of Great Britain, March i860.

2 Among other difficulties introduced into the subject are such as follow from
misquotation. Thus Kluge says that Tavernier himself described the stone as
weighing 319J ra/is =iS6 carats ! For this unfortunate and mischievous error
there can be no excuse, as he goes on to say quite correctly that the earlier
weight was 793! carats. Handbuch der Edebteinkunde, Leipsig, i860, p. 341.

8 See Benjamin, Persia^ p. 74.

444 TRAVELS IN INDIA

2. Summary History of tlie Koh-i-nur

This diamond, as related by Tavernier, was obtained in the mine
of Kolliir on the Kistnâ (see vol. ii, p. 74). The precise date of its
discovery is mere matter of conjecture; but about the year 1656 or
1657 it was presented, while still uncut, to Shah Jahân by Mir
Jumla, who had previously farmed the mines at Kolliir and else-
where. The stone then weighed 900 ratis or 787 \ carats (these, if
Florentine carats, were equal to about 756 English carats).

In the year 1665 this diamond was seen by Tavernier in
Aurangzeb's treasury, and it then weighed, as ascertained by him-
self, only 3 19 \ ratis, or 279^ carats (which, if Florentine carats,
equalled 268 J J English carats). It had been reduced to this size by
the wasteful grinding treatment to which it had been subjected by
a Venetian named Hortensio Borgio.

In the year 1739 it was taken from Aurangzeb's feeble descend-
ant, Muhammad Shah, by Nadir Shah, when he sacked Delhi and
carried away to Persia, it is said, ^70,000,000 or ^80,000,000 worth
of treasure.1 On first beholding it he is reported to have conferred
upon it the title Koh-i-nur or Mountain of Light, a most suitable
name for the stone described by Tavernier.

On the murder of Nadir Shah at Kelat, in Khorassan, in 1747» ft
passed with the throne to his grandson Shah Rukh, who resided at
Meshed, where he was made a prisoner and cruelly tortured by Agâ
Muhammad (Mir Allum Khân), who in vain sought to obtain the
Koh-i-nur from him. In the year 1751 Shah Rukh gave it, as a
reward for his assistance, to Ahmad Shah, the founder of the Durani
dynasty at Kabul, and by him it was bequeathed to his son Taimur,
who went to reside at Kabul. From him, in 1793, it passed by
descent to his eldest son Shah Zamân, who, when deposed by his
brother Muhammad, and deprived of his eyes, still contrived to keep
possession of the diamond in his prison, and two years afterwards it
passed into the hands of his third brother Sultan Shujà. According
to Elphinstone,2 it was found secreted, together with some other jewels,
in the walls of the cell which Shah Zamân had occupied. After Shujâ's
accession to the throne of Kabul, on the dethronement and imprison-
ment of Muhammad, he was visited at Peshawar by Elphinstone in
1809, who describes how he saw the diamond in a bracelet worn by

1 According to the Imperial Gazetteer only £32,000,000. See vol. vi, p. 314.
Account of the Kingdom of Cauout, vol. ii, p. 325 ti.

SUMMARY HISTORY OF THE KOH-I-NUR 445

Shujâ, and he refers to it in a footnote as the diamond figured by
Tavemier. Shujâ was subsequently dethroned by his eldest brother
Muhammad, who had escaped from the prison where he had been
confined.

In 1 812 the families of Zamân and Shujâ went to Lahore, and
Ranjit Singh, the ruler of the Punjab, promised the wife of the latter
that he would release her husband and confer upon him the kingdom
of Kashmir, for which service he expected to receive the Koh-i-nur}

When Shah Shuja reached Lahore, soon afterwards, he was
detained there by Ranjit, who wished to secure both his person and
the diamond ; but the Shah for a time evaded compliance with his
demand for the stone, and refused offers of moderate sums of money
for it. At length " the Maharaja visited the Shah in person, mutual
friendship was declared, an exchange of turbans took place, the
diamond was surrendered, and the Shah received the assignment of
a jaghir in the Punjab for his maintenance, and a promise of aid
in recovering Kabul."2 This was in 181 3: the Shah then escaped
from Lahore to Râjâuri, in the hills, and from thence to Ludiana,
after suffering great privations.3 Here he and his brother Shah
Zamân were well received by the Honourable East India Company,
and a liberal pension was assigned by the Government for their
maintenance. The above statements, except where other authorities
are quoted, are taken from General Sleeman's 4 account, which was
founded on a narrative by Shah Zamân, the blind old king himself,
who communicated it to General Smith, he being at the time in com-
mand of the troops at Ludiâna.

In the year 1839 Shah Shujâ, under Lord Auckland's Govern-
ment* was set up on the throne of Kabul by a British force, which
two years later was annihilated during its retreat.

The testimony of all the writers up to this period, and, it is said,
the opinions of the jewellers of Delhi and Kabul also, concur in the
view that the diamond which Ranjit thus acquired was the Mogul's,
i.e. the one described by Tavemier. It seems probable that the
mutilation and diminution in weight by about 83 carats, to which,
as we have shown, it was subjected (see p. 442), took place while it was

1 Cunningham's History of the Sikhs, London, 1849, p. 161.

a Ibid. p. 163. The Shah's own account {Autobiography \ chap, xxv) of
Ranjit's methods to get possession of the diamond is more favourable to the latter
than Captain Murray's. (See his Rangeet Singh, p. 96.)

3 Dr. W. L. M'Gregor, History of the Sikhs, London, 1847, v°l» h P« 170»

4 Rambles and Recollections of an Indian Official, vol. i, p. 473.

446 TRAVELS IN INDIA

in the possession of Shah Rukh, Shah Zaraan, or Shah Shujâ, whose
necessities may have caused one of them to have pieces removed to
furnish him with money.

Ranjit during his lifetime often wore the diamond on state
occasions, and it is referred to by many English visitors to Lahore,
who saw it during this period,1 and is said to have then been dull
and deficient in lustre.

In 1839 Ranjit died, and on his deathbed expressed a wish that
the diamond, then valued at one million sterling, should be sent to
Juggannath,2 but this intention was not carried out,3 and the stone
was placed in the jewel chamber till the infant Rajâ Dhulip Singh
was acknowledged as Ranjit's successor.

When the Punjab was annexed, in the year 1849, trie diamond
was formally handed to the new Board of Government at one of its
earliest meetings — and it was then personally entrusted by his
colleagues to the care of John Lawrence, afterwards Lord Lawrence,
who, on receiving it, placed the small tin box containing it in his
waistcoat pocket, and then forgot all about it till he was called upon
to produce it six weeks later, in order that it might be sent to Her
Majesty the Queen.

Recalling the circumstances when thus reminded of them, he
hurried home and, with his heart in his mouth, asked his bearer
whether he had got the box which had been in his pocket some time
previously. Careful about trifles, like most Indian servants, the bearer
had preserved it, though he thought it only contained a useless piece
of glass. This strange vicissitude in the history of the stone is
related by Bosworth Smith in his life of Lord Lawrence.4 He adds
that he had been told on good authority that it had passed through
other dangers, on the way home, before it was safe in the possession
of the Queen.

In 185 1 the Koh-i-nur was exhibited in the first great Exhibition,
and in 1852 the recutting of the stone was entrusted by Her
Majesty to Messrs. Garrards, who employed Voorsanger, a diamond
cutter from M. Coster's atelier at Amsterdam. The actual cutting
lasted thirty-eight days, and by it the weight was reduced to 106-^
carats. The cost of the cutting amounted to ^8000.

1 Dr. M'Gregor, History of the Sikhs > London, 1847, vol. i, p. 216.

2 Lieut. -Colonel Steinbach, The Punjab, London, 1846, p. 1-6.

8 Miss Eden, Up the Coutttry, vol. ii, p. 130, says that the Maharaja ulti
mately consented to its not being sent

4 Life of Lord Lawrence, vol. i, p. 327.

THE GRAND DUKE'S DIAMOND 447

3. On the Grand Duke of Tuscany* s Diamond, otherwise
known as the Austrian Yellow or the Florentine ; and on
t/te absolute weights of the carat and rati as known to
Tavcrnier

When writing of the carat (see vol. i, Appendix, p. 416), and
when making the several references to the Grand Duke of Tuscany's
diamond, I had not seen Dr. SchrauPs original paper1 on the
weighment of the stone, and, having obtained my information of
it indirectly, I was misled as to its precise purport, which does not
prove that the absolute weight of the stone is less than Tavernier
gave it, but demonstrates that the difference in weight is only
apparent. The absolute weight is 27.454 grams, which, converted
into carats, gives

Florentine (= 197.2 milligrams) . . . 139 J- carats.

Paris ( = 205.5 » ) • • i33f »

Vienna (= 206.13 ?, ) . . . 133^ „

In English carats (=205.4 milligrams) the weight would be 133$
carats nearly. The conclusions to be drawn, therefore, are, that, in
the first place, the stone has not had any additional facets cut upon
it, and that it is, in fact, in the same condition as when Tavernier
gave its weight at 139^ carats; the difference between that weight
and the 139J- Florentine carats is so small, amounting to only ^ths
of a carat, that it may be fairly attributed to difference in the accuracy
of the methods of weighment employed by Tavernier and Schrauf
respectively.

Hence we may fairly conclude that in this instance, at least, the
carat used by Tavernier was the " Florentine"; and that being so, it
is hardly conceivable that, when mentioning Indian stones on the
very same pages as those where he describes the Grand Duke of
Tuscany's diamond, he had other carats in view. Consequently,
with greater confidence than I could venture to assume when
the Appendix of vol. i. was written, I. now suggest the hypothesis
that Tavernier's carats were the light Florentine carats, which* are
exactly 4 per cent lighter than modern English carats. Thus the
English carat of .2054 grams less 4 per cent (.0082) = .1972 grams,
which is the precise value of the Florentine carat

* Sitz. der K. Akad der Wissen, Wien, Math. -Nat. Classe. Bd. liv. Abth. i.
p. 479, 1866.

448

TRAVELS IN INDIA

The conclusion thus arrived at as to the carat of Tavemier
having been the light Florentine, involves a reduction in the value
of the rati, which has been calculated in the earlier part of this
work on the supposition that it was equal to £ths of the modern
French and English carat. It must therefore be reduced by 4 per
cent likewise, so that instead of 2.77 troy grs., it must stand at 2.66
troy grs. This value, it should be added, is identical with that
derived from Tavernier's own statement, that 6 mdseals or
1 8i£ ratis = 1 French ounce (i.e. 482.312 grs. troy), since 482.3 12 -7-
181^ = 2.66. I am accordingly compelled to accept this value
finally as being that of Tavernier's pearl rati; and I must ask
readers to accept this conclusion, which was given as an alternative
to 2.77, in the Appendix to vol. i,1 instead of the latter, which was
adopted in the text.

In the following table the weights in carats of the principal
stones mentioned by Tavemier are enumerated, and in the last
column these weights, reduced by 4 per cent, show the equivalent
values in English carats.

4. On t/te weights of some of t/ie Diamottds, otJier Precious
Stones, and Pearls, mentioned and figured by Tavernier

Assuming that our argument is well founded as to the carats
mentioned in the text having been Florentine carats, it is necessary,
in order to reduce them to English carats, to subtract 4 per cent
from them, as in the following table : —

Diamonds.

la* Great Moguls (uncut)
1 A Croat Moguls (cut) .
-. Ciolconda
3«'« Ahmadabad (uncut) .
3^. Ahmadabad (cut)

4» Grand Duke of Tuscany s (139A)
5» Mue ~

* • . .

T. MascarenhA
8. Kollur

' S« xVJ. J. PJ\ 416, 4,-t and 4l8,

English Carats.

756
^68U

i33*T

107 Vf
99fi

6oH

WEIGHTS OF STONES MENTIONED BY TAVERNIER 449

Rubies.

Tavernier's Carats -.., r*~»t.

(Florentine). Enghsh Carats*

i. King of Persia's (192 rat is ?) 168 161-^

2. Banian 50 J 48££

3. Bijapur (Visapour) 1 7 J i6£

Topaz.

1. Aurangzeb's 1 5 7f should be 158 J XS2A

Pearl.

1. American, sold to Shâistâ* Khân1 .55 S2j

1 Several other pearls of about this size and smaller, were in the Mogul's
Treasury. See vol. i, p. 397.

VOL. II 2 G

'••

APPENDIX II

List of all the Diamond Mines in India of zvJUch tJiere are
authentic Records, arranged in Districts

Since this list was first published 1 it has been repeatedly checked,
and it contains several additions. Although in various works on
precious stones, etc, names are given as being those of diamond
mines in India which are not to be found here, they are for the
most part either synonymes of names that are, or are spurious.
Want of space prevents such synonymes being dealt with, which is
to be regretted, as the confusion in the nomenclature cannot be
easily described without recourse to details. Names of villages, towns,
rivers, provinces, etc., are misplaced and jumbled together in almost
inextricable confusion. One author gives Pegu as a diamond mine
in Southern India ; in the Mount Catti of another we trace a refer-
ence to the Ghàts of Southern India ; and in the Malacca of many
authors we must recognise, not as they do, either a place supposed to
be in Southern India or the true Malacca, but Borneo, which used
to be so called by the Portuguese in the fifteenth century. (See
Appendix IV.) For some time I was unable to identify a certain
Mr. Cullmger, who was quoted by one writer in connection with
diamonds. Will it be believed that this gentleman ultimately proved
on investigation to be the fort of Kdlinjar ?

MADRAS

Kadapa (or Cuddapah) District

Chennur on the Pennair River, Lat 140 34' ; Long. 7 8° 51' 30".
Condapetta (or Kanuparti), opposite Chennur.

Gandikot? mentioned by some authors. Lat. 14° 49'; Loos'. 78*
20' 30".

Goorapur ? close to Chennur. Not identified.

Goulagoonta (close to Jamalmadugu), Lat 14° 51'; Long. 78* 26'.

1 See Economic Geology of India, chap. i. The Madras lists were founded
originally on Dr. King's in Mem. Geo/. Sun*. India, voL viii.

aw

DIAMOND MINES IN MADRAS 451

(Jamalmadugu close to Goulagoonta, which see.)
(Kanuparti or Condapetta, which see.)
Lamdur ? Not identified, mentioned by Heyne.
Ovalumpally (or Woblapully), Lat. 140 34'; Long. 780 51' 35
Pinchetgapadu ? Not identified, mentioned by Heyne.
(Woblapully or Ovalumpally, which see.)

»*

Bellary District1

Gunjeegoonta, 2 miles south of Wajra Karur.
Gutidrug? Lat. 150 7'; Long. 770 42'.
Hotoor? 6 miles W.S.W. of Wajra Karur.
Wajra Karur, Lat. 150 2'; Long. 770 27'.

Karnul (or Kurnool) District

Banganapalle, Lat. 150 18'; Long. 780 16'; 37 miles S.E. of
Karnul (see A.S. No. 76). Mines.

Bannur, close to Gudipaud ; in Nandikotkur Taluk.

Baswapur, Lat 150 25'; Long. 780 43' 30"; in Nallamullay Hills;
mines and alluvial washings.

Byanpalle, Lat. 150 32'; Long. 780 14' 15"; 24 miles S.S.E. of
Karnul.

Coomroly (close to Gooramankonda, which see) ; Nandial Taluk.

Deomurru, Lat. 150 49' 30" ; Long. 780 n\ Left bank of Tung-
habhadra.

Devanur, Lat. 150 44'; Long. 7 8° 19'. Diamonds found in banks of
Kundur river ; in Nandikotkur Taluk.

Dhone, Lat. 150 23' 30" ; Long. 770 56'.

(Gazerpalle close to Baswapur, which see.)

Gooramankonda, Lat. 150 32'; Long. 7S0 14' 15"; 24 miles S.S.E.
of Karnul. Rock workings.

Gudipaud, 2 miles W. of Devanur ; in Nandikotkur Taluk.

Hassanapur in Doopaud. Not identified.

Jorapur. A diamond of 44 carats found in débris of irrigation works,
near Karnul.

Kannamadakalu, Lat. 150 42'; Long. 780 14' 30". Alluvial.

Lanjapoleur, Lat. 150 45' 30"; Long. 780 4'; 7 miles S.S.W. of
Karnul ; Ramulkota Taluk.

Muddavaram, Lat. 780 9' 30" ; Long. 780 30'. 7 miles E.S.E. of
Ramulkota ; Nandial Taluk.

Munimadagu, Lat. 150 15'; Long. 7 8° 2' 10"; in Pattikonda Taluk,
16 miles W. by S. of Banaganapalle (formerly included in Bellary
District).

Muravakonda, Lat. 160 1'; Long. 7 8° 19'; on the Kistnl Dia-
monds found below the ford, according to Ferishta and Newbold.

Oruvakal (or Woraykal of A.S.), Lat. 150 41'; Long. 78° 14'; 14
miles S.E. of Karnul ; Nandial Taluk.

Panchalingala, left bank of Tunghabhadra ; Ramulkota Taluk.

1 A locality called Nizam in Bellary is mentioned by M. Chaper. See
Engineering, 1884, 29th February.

DIAMOND MINES IN BANDELKHAND 453

Semah, on the Koel (the Soumelpour on the Gouel of Tavernier),
Lat. 23° 35' ; Long. 84° 21'. This was probably the Sambalaka, in the
country of the Mandalai, of Ptolomey.

BANDELKHAND

Panna

Baghin, Bargari, Brijpur, Etwa, Kamariya, Majgoha, Myra, Panna,
Sakeriya, Saya-Luchmanpur, Udesna, and many others around Panna
town. It is not known when these mines were first discovered. So
far as I can ascertain, Tieffenthaler was the earliest European visitor to
them who has left any record of them ; he appears to have been at
Panna in 1765. He says the diamonds found there could not com-
pare either in hardness or fire with those of Orissa (Soumelpour ?) or
of Raoulcound (i.e. Ramulkota). There is no record of any excep-
tionally large diamonds having been found at Panna. Though it is
believed by some that the mines are of very great antiquity, the
history of them is defective. However, the Ain-i-Akbari, by Abdul
Fazl (1590),1 refers to diamonds having been found at 20 coss distance
from the fort of Kàlinjar, and that Raja Keerut Singh, a former
Governor of that fort, had six valuable stones. It seems probable
that these mines were worked in Tavernier's time, though he was not
aware of the fact.

NORTH-WEST PROVINCES

Simla? This is a very doubtful locality, but there are several
diamonds in the Calcutta Museum which were said to have been
found in a stream near Simla.

Note on the Golconda and Bijapur Diamond Mines

There is a very important early description of the diamond mines
of these regions, which is of special interest, as it gives a clue to the
original source of many names of diamond sites which are to be
found in the modern literature of the subject It was published in the
Philosophical Transactions^ vol. xii, 1677, p. 907, having been pre-
sented to the Royal Society by the Earl Marshal of England, who was
then Henry Howard, afterwards Duke of Norfolk. His term of
office as Earl Marshal lasted from 167 2-1 683. I am inclined to
think it may have been written by Mr. Cholmley, who is described
by Mr. Streynsham Master 2 as having been engaged for several years

1 Gladwin's Ed., vol. i, p. 29. * Kistnà Manual, p. 147.

454 TRAVELS IN INDIA

before 1679 in making the annual purchases of diamonds for the
Company, especially at the mines of Gollapalle (or Golapilly) and
Malavalle (Muléli or Mullavilly).

The diamond mines of the Kistna District belonged to the
Kings of Golconda, Kutab Shah dynasty, from the downfall of the
Bdhmani Kings of Deccan {circa 1500) until their defeat and extinc-
tion in 1686. The mines in the Karnul District also belonged to
them after the Rajas of Vijâyanagar were driven to the south in 1564.
(See Kistnâ Manual \ p. 244.)

It is curious to note that while Tavemier only mentions three
localities in these regions by name, namely, Ramulkota (his Raol-
conda), Kolliir (his Coulour), and Gandikot, together with another
unnamed locality (which was Gazerpalle, see p. 476), this paper, pub-
lished only a year after Tavernier's first edition appeared, enumerates
23 mines in the Kingdom of Golconda, and 15 in the Kingdom of
Bijapur — in all 38.

As will be seen, some of these names correspond with names in
the preceding list, others seem to be identical with names of villages
in the region, about which there is no independent evidence of
their having been diamond producing. The remaining names I
have failed to identify. As I hope on some future occasion to
republish this paper of the Earl Marshal's, in extenso, with annota-
tions, I shall at present limit myself to a brief enumeration of the
localities, their proper modern names being given in brackets.

The Golconda Mines are — 1. Quolure ; this is Tavernier's
Coulour or Gani [Kollt5r]. This is said to have been the first
mine worked in Golconda, but was then, 1677, almost exhausted. 2.
CodawillicullKoDAVATAKULLu], 3. Malabar [Malawaram], 4. Butte-
phalem [Barthenypadu, near Partial], 5. Ramiah [?], 6. Gurem [?],
7. Muttampellee [near Kururf\. These five (? six) were under the
same government as that of Melwillee [Malavalle or Muleli], see
below. 8. Currure [Wajra- or Vajra-Karur, in the Guty Taluk
of the Bellary District]. This identification is confirmed by the
statement that it, the most famous and most ancient of all the
mines, was taken some years previously, with the Carnatic, by Mir
Jumlâ from the Hindu Râjàs. It is said that diamonds up to " a
seize (? seer) weight, which was equal to about 9 ounces troy, or 8i£
pagodas, had been found there ; the mine was privately worked by the
King, and the stones produced from it were large and well spread,"
etc. I have elsewhere quoted, see vol. ii, p. 54, the account of this
mine having been worked by a Portuguese gentleman. 9. Ganjee-

THE GOLCONDA AND BIJAPUR DIAMOND MINES 455

conta [Gunjeegonta], io. Lattawar1 [Lattwara]. These two last
are respectively i and io miles S.W. of Wajra-Karur. ii. Jona-
gerre[?]f 12. Pirai\}\ 13. Dugulle [?], 14. PurwUlee [?]. These
four last I cannot identify. 15. An untape Ike [Anantapur ? is 20
miles from Wajra-Karur. Dr. King (Mem. Geol. Surv. India% voL
viii, p. 1 01) alludes to a diamond being found there]. 16. Girregeta
[Goulagoonta], 17. Afaarmood[?]f 18. Wazzergerre [Wajirabad ?].
19. Munnemurg [Munimadagu in Karnul]. The two last are said
to have been the deepest mines ; they were carried to depths of 40 to
50 fathoms. Some interesting details are given as to the process of
mining. 20. Langumboot [?] ; process of mining as in the preceding.
2 1 . Whootoor [Hotoor ?] near Karur. 22. Muddetnurg [M adagula ?
in centre of Palnad Taluk, Kistnâ District. This identification is
founded on the statement that the locality was about 9 miles from the
Kistnâ river]. 23. Melwillee, or new mine [Malavalle or Muleli],
worked first from 1670-71, then closed, but reopened in 1673 ty *ne
King's licence, owing to the Kolliir mine becoming exhausted.

In Bijapur there were 15 mines, of which only those yielding
the smallest stones were allowed by the King to be worked, partly to
prevent large stones becoming too common, and partly to avoid
exciting Aurangzeb's cupidity. The mines were — 1. Ramulconeta
[Ramulkota, i.e. Tavernier's Raolconda] ; diamonds of a mange/in
weight were seldom found there, generally they were much smaller.
Broken diamonds, called shetnhoesy were found there. 2. Banugun-
napellee [Banaganapalle, 37 miles S.E. of Karnul], 3. Pendekull
[Pendekallu], 4. Moodawaram [? Muddavaram, 7 miles E.S.E. of
Ramulkota], 5. Cumerwille [Coomroly of A.S. close to Gooraman-
konda], 6. Paulkull [?], 7. Workull [? Oruvakal], 8. Lungeepoleur
[Langapoleur, 5 miles S. of Karnul], 9. Pootloor [Polur], 10.
Punchelingull [Panchalingala, left bank of Tunghabhadra], 11.
Shingarrampent [?], 12. Tondarpaar [Tandrapad, left bank of
Tunghabhadra], 13. Gundepelle [?], 14. Donee [Dhone], 15. Gazer-
pellee [this is close to Baswapur].

I would venture to commend the identification of those mines
which are unplaced in the above list to some one with local
knowledge.

We are told in the Earl Marshal's paper that in Golconda the

1 This, as also some of the other localities, are given by Dutens and Castellani
as being in Asia ! — a rather wide geographical expression ; they have long been
objects of search to me, till traced by means of this paper.

466

TRAVELS IN INDIA

miners and merchants were much oppressed, and in a miserable state
of poverty, from having to submit to tyrannical squeezing and heavy
duties on provisions, tobacco, and betel. With extraordinary incon-
sistency, although the King of Golconda, Abdul Kutab Shah, and the
King of Bijapur, Adil Shah, had agreements with the miners that all
diamonds above a certain weight were to be reserved for them, still
they would not only pay highly for large stones conveyed to their
capitals secretly by the merchants, but would bestow dresses of honour
upon the merchants who brought such stones to them for sale.

APPENDIX III

The Diamond Mines of Bengal

Although it is possible that many persons in India may be surprised
at the statement that there were formerly diamond mines of consider-
able importance and value in the region of Bengal, which is about to
be described ; and although it is probably the case that many who have
resided for lbng periods in the very District itself have never heard
of the fact, all local traces of the industry being now extinct, still the
cumulative evidence which can be brought forward is such that I do
not anticipate that any serious objections can be urged to the natural
conclusions derivable from that evidence.

Gibbon, in the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, for some
reason which he does not give, arrived at the conclusion that it was
the mines described by Tavernier at Soumelpour1 on the Gouel
(i.e. Semah or Semulpur on the Koel, in the Sub-Division of Paldmau),
rather than any of the localities in Southern India, which supplied
Rome with diamonds.

Ptolomey mentions Sambalaka 2 as a city in the country of the
Mandalai which produced the finest diamonds in the world. Now,
although it is possible that he may have referred to Sambalpur on
the Mahânadi, where diamonds are known to occur, I prefer to
identify it with Tavernier's Soumelpour, as above, because it was
situated in the country generally recognised as that of the Mandali
or Mundas, while Sambalpur is beyond its limits.

Further, it may be conveniently remarked here that Ptolomey's
Adamas river, although he clearly indicates its origin in Chutiâ
Nâgpur (Kokkonage or Kokrah), has by some authors been identi-
fied with the Mahânadi, while others have with greater probability

1 By a misprint given as Jumelpur, in Bengal, Decline and Fail, vol. ii, p.
281, note.

8 See Indian Antiquary, vol. xiii, 1884, p. 364, where it is identified with
Sambalpur.

458 TRAVELS IN INDIA

identified it with one or other of the rivers rising in Chutiâ Nâgpur,
namely, the Dâmuda, Subanrikhâ or Brâhmani, with its tributaries
the Sank and Southern Koel, to which we shall presently again
refer. The Mahânadi is probably Ptolome/s Manada, rising in
the country of the Sabarae or Savaras, where diamonds were also
obtained.

Our next reference to this locality is a very definite and explicit
one ; it is separated by a long period of time from Ptolomey. In Prof.
Blochman's translation x of the Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri^ we find that " On
the 3d Isfandiârmuz of the 10th year of my reign (a.d. 161 6) it was
reported to me (Jahângir) that Ibrahim Khân (governor of Bihar)
had overrun Kokrah and taken possession of its diamond washings.
This District belongs to Subah Bihar, and the river which flows
through it yields the diamonds." Then follow accounts of the
mines and Ibrahim Khan's operations, all of which will be found
quoted in the Economic Geology of India, p. 25. The account goes
on to say, " The District is now subject to me. All diamonds found
in the river are forwarded to court. Only a few days ago a diamond
arrived which had a value of Rs. 50,000, and I hope many more
will be added to my store of jewels." Among those received from
Ibrahim Khan was one which was coloured like a sapphire, it
weighed several ratis, and the lapidaries valued it at Rs.3000,
though they would have given 20,000 had it been white and stood
the test. Prof. Blochman gives a quotation from a MS. history of
the Maharajas of Chutiâ Nâgpur, in which a method of testing
diamonds for flaws is described as consisting in fixing them on the
horns of fighting rams.

General Dalton recorded that the family of the Râjâ of Chutia
Nâgpur possessed a diamond from these mines valued at Rs.40,000.2
A large picture, representing the attack on the Palâmau fort in 1 660
by Dâud Khân, contains a figure of the Zamindâr-i~kàn-i-dlmâs or
Lord of the Diamond Mine. General Dalton was, I believe, rather
inclined to think these mines somewhat mythical, while Prof. Bloch-
man8 identified the river with the Sank. As I had conversations with
both of them on the subject, I am satisfied that neither of them
knew of Tavernier's references to this region, nor did I know of
them then, and it was not till some time after I became aware of
them, that I was able to show that his Soumelpour was quite a

1 Jour. As. Socy. Bengal, vol. xl, p. 113.
8 Ethnology of Bengal \ 163, n,
3 Jour. As. Socy. Bengal, vol. xliii, pt. i, p. 240.

J Sourai^ww on rtf Caul it. SmuA on. the ZotJ in Ifir Puia.nnw iiWou™.
ILJn uiurnna'aU Lxnhly on Ou SuiJc rârtr tn. Al». SlBot & JuàkpiiT
MFotiliai of tit» wMy on. A» Maujl uir .WiJxJpw ot /*• Gjunzl JKana .

THE DIAMOND MINES OF BENGAL 459

different locality from Sambalpur on the Mahdnadi, with which most
writers had identified it.

In addition to Tavernier's own direct account of this locality,
there is another somewhat earlier in date, but which there is reason
to believe was derived from information obtained from him.
Reference will be found in Appendix VI to a work by Chappuzeau.
In it there appears to be reference to the locality in Bengal which
produced diamonds under the name Nage (i.e. Kokkonage or Chutid
Ndgpur). In the year 1657 L'Escot of Orleans (see p. 304) went
there to purchase a diamond of 42 carats, but he failed to get it.

Although Tavernier's locality was on the Gouel River, i.e. the
Koel, which runs northwards to join the Sone, and so reaches the
Ganges — the Sank and another Koel also take their rise close by,
and running southwards they form the Brdhmani, which joins the
delta of the Mahdnadi, near the coast of the Bay of Bengal. The
Ebe River, a tributary of the Mahdnadi also, rises in the same
neighbourhood, and it is locally called the Hira or diamond river,
and its bed is said to have yielded diamonds. Hence it is a natural
deduction that the source of the diamonds found in the beds of
these rivers, which pursue such different courses, is common to
all, and that the diamond -bearing rocks will be found there.
Unfortunately before leaving India I had no opportunity of putting
this theory to the test, and I am not aware that the area has been as
yet fully explored.

The accompanying map will convey a clear idea of the relative
positions of the three localities, which have hitherto been much
confused in the accounts by different authors. In the south there is
Sambalpur, on the Mahdnadi, of which I have elsewhere1 published
detailed accounts of the geology, and of the records of the yield of
diamonds there in former times ; farther north is the locality on the
Sank river, which, as stated above, is one of the tributaries of the
Brâhmani ; and lastly, on the other side of the watershed, is the site
of the locality, Semah on the Koel, a tributary of the Sone, which
I identify with the Soumelpour of Tavernier.

As Sambalpur is in the Central Provinces, and is therefore beyond
the region of the present discussion, not being included in Bengal,
we may now pass to the mention of the other two localities, as they are
referred to by various authorities since Tavernier's time.

Sumelpur (Mine de diamans), near a tributary of the Solon (i.e.

1 Economic Geology of India, p. 30.

460 TRAVELS IN INDIA

Sone, called in its upper portion Riverere d'Andi, see ante% vol. i,
p. 55), is represented on the Carte de lTndoustan by M. Bellin, which
was published in 1752 in the Histoire Générale des Voyages.

Tieffenthaler,1 somewhere about the year 1766, wrote of Sommel-
pour as a place producing an abundance of diamonds of good quality
in the river Gouel, 30 milles S.E. from Rohtas. He did not visit it
himself and perhaps he quoted from Tavernier.

Pennant,2 in the year 1798, mentions that a diamond mine was
then being worked on the Sank river, but he does not name his
authority. He also states that Soumelpour on the Gouel was the
most noted and most ancient locality for diamonds.8 Here he evi-
dently quotes from Tavernier, as also did Buffon,4 who calls the locality
Soonelpour on the Gouil, which Buchanan Hamilton in 18385
refers to as being probably identical with a diamond mine which he
had heard of on the southern Koel. Karl Ritter in 1836 detected the
incompatibility of Tavernier's statements as to the position of his
Soumelpour with that of Sambalpur on the Mahânadi ; but his correc
tion did not serve to mitigate the confusion which is to be found even
in the most recent authors upon the subject I may add that I was
pointed out on the map a locality on the Sank by a resident in Chutiâ
Ndgpur, where local tradition asserts that diamonds used to be found.

Having referred above to Sambalpur in the Central Provinces, it
may be of interest to add that this Indian Province includes another
locality which, though of importance in early times, was so forgotten
even a century ago, that Rennell, and after him Karl Ritter, alto-
gether failed to identify it It was mentioned as being in the country
conquered by Ahmed Shah Walli Bhamini, both by Garcia de Orta
and Ferishtâ. In the Ain-t-Àkbari the locality is spoken of as at
Beiiagurh which is now identified with Wairâgarh in the Chanda
District, about 80 miles from Ndgpur. It was probably the Kossala
of the Chinese pilgrims and perhaps the Kossa of Ptolomey.

It is just possible that a locality mentioned by Nicol Conti in the
fifteenth century as a diamond mine called Albenigaras, may have
also been Wairâgarh. He mentions that the diamonds were obtained
then by means of pieces of meat, which were flung on to the mountain,
where the diamonds could not be collected owing to the number of
serpents. The pieces of meat with diamonds sticking to them were

1 Bernoulli, Deser. de PInde, Berlin, 1 79 1, vol. i, p. 433.
2 View of Hindoostan, vol. ii, p. 140. 8 Id. p. 113.

4 Hist. Nat., Minéraux, Paris, 1786, vol. iv, p. 280.

5 Montgomery Martin, Eastern India, vol. i, p. 535.

THE DIAMOND MINES OF BENGAL 461

then carried to their nests by birds of prey, from whence they were
recovered by the diamond seekers. This, with variations, is the story
told by Marco Polo, and in the travels of Sindbad the Sailor. Else-
where I have described the probable origin of this myth. It appears
to be founded on the very common practice in India on the opening
of a mine, to offer up cattle to propitiate the evil spirits who are sup-
posed to guard treasures — these being represented by the serpents
in the myth. At such sacrifices in India, birds of prey invariably
assemble to pick up what they can, and in that fact we probably have
the remainder of the foundation of the story.

It is probable, also, that the story by Pliny and other early writers
of the diamond being softened by the blood of a he-goat, had its
origin in such sacrifices.

As to whether these or other diamond mines in India could be
profitably worked again I cannot now discuss here ; but I may say
that I do not believe that they can be truly described as being
exhausted.

APPENDIX IV

The Diamond Mines of Borneo

In the Colloquies of Garcia de Orta, in the Travels of Linschoten, in
the works of De Boot * and De Laet,2 and in many treatises on
precious stones, up to some of those most recently published, we find,
as has already been stated in the note on p. 87, that Malacca is
mentioned as a locality where diamonds occur. This was for a long
time a sore puzzle to me, especially as among modern writers on
Malacca, with the exception of Miss Bird,3 none claimed that Malacca
was known to be a diamond producing country, while some local
inquiries which I made through the late Mr. W. Wynne of the Straits
Civil Service confirmed an opinion, founded on the character of the
geological structure, that probably none had ever been found there.

The solution of the difficulty is afforded by the fact that the name
Malacca was applied by the early Portuguese writers to Borneo, and
that the Taniapura which they mention was Tanjongpura in Borneo.

I am indebted to Mr. D. F. A. Hervey for the information that
Tanjong pûra (the Tandjong Poera of the Dutch) is situated about
30 miles up the river Pawdn in the northern part of the Mâtan Dis-
trict, adjoining Sukadana. The name, he states, is a hybrid, Tanjong
being the Malay for a point (of land), and pura a Malayan version of
the Sanskrit pur, a town.

Such is the true explanation, and not that Malacca was a place
situated in the Eastern Ghàts ! as stated by Castellani ; nor that the

1 De Lapidi, et Gemtn., 3d éd., by De Laet, Lug. Bat. 1647, p. 121. When
enumerating the localities where the diamond is obtained, he says, "Alia est
rupes ad fretum Tanian in Malacca que etiam profert adamantes qui de rape
veteri vocantur." De Boot's original work was published in 1609.

3 De Gemm. et Lapidù% Lug. Bat. 1647, p. 2, "Juxta fretum Taniapurse hand
longe ab Emporio celeberrimo Malacca alia earumdem gemmarum fodina est
unde vulgo Malacenses appellantur."

3 The Golden Chersonese^ p. 261.

THE DIAMOND MINES OF BORNEO 463

idea originated in some jumble about malachite, as has I think been
suggested by one writer.

As it was with Pliny, so it has been with a host of other com-
pilers ; we find in the literature of precious stones the same places or
the same objects called by different names, and treated as though
they were distinct. It has been shown on p. 72 that Gam was a pre-
fix signifying " mine of" to the name Kolliir, a diamond locality on the
Kistnà, though it is commonly treated as though it were a name itself;
and when we find Malacca mentioned side by side with Borneo, as a
diamond-producing region, we should not suspect that its appearance
in the lists is simply due to a survival of an old name for Borneo.
It is perhaps needless to add, therefore, that it should be expunged
from all future lists.

The following facts with regard to the occurrence of the diamond
in Borneo are chiefly extracted from Crawfurd's Dictionary and a
paper by Dr. Posewitz.1 The original matrix of the diamonds of
Borneo is, as yet, unknown ; but, as they are found in alluvial deposits
in the beds of certain rivers, and in older alluvial or diluvial deposits,
together with gold and platinum, it may be concluded with some
probability that all come from the same sources. The platinum is
not known to have been met with in the original matrix, but gold has
been found in situ in Palaeozoic rocks.

The most famous and apparently the earliest known diamond
mines were situated in West Borneo, in the Districts of Landak and
Sangau, while some diamonds are reported to have been obtained in
Sarawak. Dr. Posewitz does not refer to their occurrence at Tan-
jongpura, on the Pawân river, nor in Sukadana, where earlier writers
state they were found.

In Southern Borneo the most abundant mines and washings are
in the neighbourhood of the Tanahlaut hills, which form the boundary
between Southern and Eastern Borneo, near Martapura and Tjem-
paka ? The produce of these localities is best known in connection
with the name Banjarmasin, a territory and seaport now held by the
Dutch.

It should be added that there are some minor localities in the
region between Banjarmasin and Sukadana.

In Eastern Borneo the territory of Kusan, to the east of the
Tanahlaut range, also includes some mines.

In British North Borneo there are believed to be some diamond

*

1 Dos Diamantvorkommen in Borneo Mit h a, d.Jahrb d, HT. Geol. Anst.t
Bd. vii, Budapesth, 1885.

464 TRAVELS IN INDIA

bearing localities, but as yet they have not been proved to be of any
very great promise.

In connection with the subject of Borneo diamonds, mention is
frequently made of a supposed diamond in the possession of the
Râjâ of Mâtan. Its great size, 367 carats, and its reputed value,
^269,378, as estimated by Crawfurd, have for many years caused it
to be an object of Dutch cupidity, and many stories are told of the
efforts made by them to induce the Râjâ to part with it. It is stated
that early in the century the Râjâ was offered 150,000 dollars, two
large war brigs fully equipped, besides other war material, in exchange
for the diamond ; but from superstitious or other reasons he refused
to part with this emblem of royalty, and it has never been cut
Hugh Low states that the real diamond was not shown to visitors,
but that a rock crystal was kept for the purpose. Dr. Posewitz, how-
ever, records that in 1868 the so-called diamond was itself definitely
proved to be merely a piece of rock crystal, thus proving the accuracy
of Von Gaffron's previous assertion that it could be scratched by
corundum, and had a specific gravity of only 2.63 (namely, that of
quartz).

Although diamonds weighing up to 70 and even 80 carats have
been found in Borneo, for many years past stones of even 4 or 5
carats have been but rarely met with.

APPENDIX V

The Ruby Mines of Upper Burmah and the Sapphire

Washings of Ceylon

bsition. — The principal ruby mines of Burmah are situated in three
ir«rileys, which are known by the names of their chief villages respect-
ively, namely Mogok (or Mogout), Kathé, and Kyatpyen. The
elevated tract including these valleys is situated at a distance of
aJbout 90 miles N.N.W. from Mandalay, and is at elevations of from
3.000 to 5500 feet above the sea. The mountains surrounding the
Mogok valley culminate in the peaks of Chenedoung, 7362 feet,
Uid Toungee, 7775 feet. The ruby tract, as now defined by the
ooost recent scientific examination, occupies an area of 66 square
aciiles, but mining is at present limited to an area of about 45 square
aniles. The region is described as being very beautiful, and present-
ing a thriving appearance ; but the climate is somewhat malarious,
*.»d Europeans, although the country is so elevated, are subject to
attacks of fever on first arrival there.

A totally distinct ruby tract is situated in the marble hills at
Sagyin, which is only 1 6 miles from Mandalay. So far as is known,
.fc is comparatively of little importance, the rubies and other gems
^hich are found there being of inferior qualities. Other localities
Lbout 15 miles to the north and north-east of Sagyin are reported to
produce rubies, but nothing certain is known about them.

History, — The ruby mines of Burmah were first made known by
European writers towards the end of the fifteenth century. In the
sixteenth century there are more definite references by Portuguese
*avellers, but they are not of much practical importance. Tavernier,1
is we have seen, gives an account of the mines and their produce
fex>m hearsay \ from which it would appear that the reputation they
feen bore was not very high, or he would probably have made

1 Book II, chap, xix, vol. ii, p. 1 00.
VOL. II 2 II

466 TRAVELS IN INDIA

an effort to visit them. The yield, he says, did not exceed 100,000
ecus (say ^22,500) per annum, and he found it profitable to carry
rubies from Europe to Asia for sale.

The principal authorities of the present century previous to the
conquest of Upper Burmah are Mr. Crawfurd1; the Père Guiseppe
d'Amato,2 who visited the mines about the year 1833 ; Dr. Oldham,8
who visited Ava and collected information about the mines in the
year 1855, when with Sir Arthur Phayre's mission; Mr. Bredmeyer,
who was in the service of the King and visited the mines in the year
1868; and Mr. Spears and Capt. Strover of the British Burmah
Commission, both of whom have placed on record their observations.
From these authorities we learn that the rubies which were found
were generally small, not averaging more than a quarter of a rati, and
that the large stones were generally smuggled away, but few of them
reaching the King. It was supposed that the Chinese and Tartar
merchants who visited Mogok and Kyatpyen conveyed most of them
out of Burmah. The large rubies were generally flawed, and Mr.
Spears states that he never saw one exceeding half a rupee in weight,
i.e. about 22 carats.

The King's revenue derivable from the monopoly was variously
estimated by these authorities at from ;£i 2,500 to ;£i 5,000. The
more recent information now available confirms these estimates.
The figures stated on official authority are 90,000 to 100,000 rupees,
the highest sum being 150,000 rupees paid in one year. Besides
which, however, was the reservation of stones above a certain size ;
but it seems to be generally admitted that few large stones were
found, and of these a proportion, in spite of severe punishments for
concealment, never reached the King ; there is no basis then for an
estimate of the total revenue which he received from the mines.

If one may judge from the appearance of the rubies forming part
of the treasure taken at Mandalay, and which are now exhibited at
the South Kensington Museum, valuable stones were rare, as, except
a few of the smaller ones, none seem to be perfect.

As is well known, recent accounts by experts have represented
the prospects of the mines in a much more favourable light, and the
true value will probably be ere long ascertained by the energetic
operations of a Company conducted on scientific principles.

The different kinds of precious stones found in the mines, — Although

1 "Mission to Ava," Edinb. New Phil, Jour., 1827, p. 366.

* four. As. Socy. Bengal, voL ii, p. 75.

3 Yule's Mission to Ava, p. 347.

THE RUBY MINES OF UPPER BURMAH 467

the rubies have given their name to the mines, several other varieties
of corundum are also found, such as sapphires, oriental emeralds,
oriental amethyst, oriental topaz, and white sapphires ; and besides
these there are to be found spinels of various colours, hyacinth (or
zircon), iolite (or dichroite, a stone resembling sapphire), and lastly
the semi-precious rubellite, which is a variety of the mineral called
tourmaline, of which some exceptionally fine examples have been
brought from Ava, one of which has long held an honoured position
in the mineral collection of the British Museum.

According to Mr. Spears, the proportion of sapphires to rubies
was as i to ioo, but the former are often of large size and fine
quality.

Pegu has been mentioned by some early writers l as producing
diamonds, but there are no real grounds for supposing that either
the diamond or true emerald occur in any part of Burmah.

Mode of occurrence and source of the gems. — Although it has for
some time been known that the rubies of Sagyin were derived from
crystalline limestones or marble, the source of the gems in the prin-
cipal region at Mogok, Kyatpyen, and Kathé was not actually ascer-
tained till recently, when these localities were visited by Mr.
Barrington Brown. It was known that they were for the most part
actually obtained in derivative gravels, and it had been inferred that
the so-called clefts and lodes, of a report which appeared before his
examination, were really fissures in limestones, where the stones had
accumulated as the result of the solution of limestone, and by
gravitation into these recesses.

Mr. Brown has shown that the geological formation consists of
recent deposits of hill wash and alluvium and old crystalline lime-
stones, schists, pegmatite, and other metamorphic rocks. In order
to explain the relationship which exists between these formations and
the rubies, it will be convenient to describe the various systems of
mining, by which the mode of occurrence will be made apparent
The mines, as worked by the natives, may be divided into four
classes, as follows : —

I. Trvin/ones, or pits sunk in the alluvium of the valleys.
II. MewdwinS) or open cuttings in the hill-wash over which water is

led
III. LoodwinSy or workings in caves and fissures.

2*

1 See Description oftht Diamond Mints of India, PkiU Tratis., vol. xii, 1 677,

p. 907.

THE RUBY MINES OF UPPER BURMAH 469

in association with the bones of some extinct animal of very large
size.1

This description opens up a somewhat wide vista of speculation,
and one can hardly resist the temptation of prophesying as to the
wonderful discoveries which may be made when adits and shafts
are driven to afford access to these natural caves and fissures in the
mass of the marble hills. In such safe receptacles it is not unreason-
able to suppose that stones which have suffered but little from
attrition and fracture may be found, and that there the greatest
prizes will be obtained.

Quarries. — To the north of Mogok village, at a distance of about
three-quarters of a mile, a bed of calcspar in the limestone, which is
20 feet wide, produces rubies, but in order to obtain them the use of
powder has to be employed as well as the hammer, and when chipped
out the gems are generally more or less fractured ; but good stones
have been obtained. Whether any method can be devised of avoid-
ing the injury resulting from the use of explosives is at present doubt-
ful. It is not easy to suggest how a firm rock, such as this calcspar,
could be mined without recourse being had to violent methods of
some kind

The rose pink rubellite (a variety of tourmaline) is obtained on
the margin of the Meobychoung river, 15 miles S. of Mogok and
3 miles from Mamlong. The mines in the alluvium are worked by a
rude hydraulic system, and the produce is sent to China, large pieces
obtaining a good price.

Under the arrangements which have been made with the New
Burmah Ruby Mine Company, the rights and interests of the miners
have apparently been very fully safeguarded, but whether the miners
on their part will refrain from smuggling and comply with the
regulations, and disclose their more valuable finds and submit them
to taxation, remains to be seen. The total production of rubies in
1887, when the country was disturbed, amounted to only 42,486
rupees worth, but in the first two months of 1888 21,883 rupees
worth had been obtained. Stones of from 5 to 20 carats' weight
were sold during this period, and the highest price obtained for one
was 500 rupees.

The mode of occurrence of the rubies in calcspar is, I believe,
somewhat unusual, though spinel is known to be found in calcareous
rocks. It is generally the case that the corundum minerals are

1 The fossil remains of Mastodons and other large mammalia, allied to those
found in the Sivalik hills of India, have long been known to occur in Burmah.

APPENDIX VI

A Review or Abstract in tJie "Philosophical Transactions" of
Chapuzeau's (sic) worky entitled "Histoire des Joyaux?
published in 1665 ; and Note on tlie English edition of
the same work.

The following is a contemporary abstract published in the Philoso-
phical Transactions l of a book which seems to be of extraordinary
rarity — there being no copy of it, I believe, in any of the great libraries
in Great Britain, nor even in the Bibliothèque Nationale — it is there-
fore of sufficient interest to justify its republication in its original
quaint form. But it has in connection with Tavernier a special in-
terest, because from the glimpse of the contents of the book which it
affords, we can see that Chapuzeau (or rather Chappuzeau), by what-
ever means he acquired them, was in possession of many of the facts
recorded in Tavernier's Travels at least ten years before the Travels
were published, and while Tavernier was absent on his last journey.
None of the biographies of Chappuzeau mention this work; and
although I have not failed to make inquiries I have been unable
as yet to find any explanation of the mystery.

In Emanuel's bibliography of works on precious stones,2 the book
is mentioned with its full title, and the place and date of publication
are given as Geneva 1665.

An Account

Of a small Book in French, entituled

HISTOIRE DES JOYAUX

ET

Des Principales Richesses de /'Orient et de /Occident,

par le Sr. Chapuzeau.

This History treats of Diamonds, Rubies, Emeraulds, Pearls,
Coral, Bezoar, Yellow Amber, Ambergris, Indigo, &c

1 Vol. ii, 1667, pp. 429-436.
* Diamonds and Precious Stones > second éd., London, 1867, p. 246.

HISTOIRE DES JOYAUX

473

Concerning Turquois, they are found in Persia, in the Province
Chamaquay, north of Ispahan, in two Mines, called the Old and
the New Rock. These of the New, are of an ill, whitish Blew ; but
those of the Old are not suffered to be digged out, but by the King
of Persia himself.1

Emeraulds are affirmed by him, never to be found in the East-
Indies but in Pérou* whence they were carried by that trading people
to the Moluccas, even before America was discovered by the Euro-
peans ; and so they come from the Orient ; of much less value than
they were formerly, by reason of their commonness. The Author
notes, that Emeraulds grow in stones, just as Chrystals, forming a Vein,
in which they are by little and little refined and thickened : and that
some of them are seen, half white and half green : others, all white :
and others all green and perfect.

To Pearls he assigns in the Orient four places where they are
fished : The Isle of Baharem, in the Persian Gulf: the Coast of
Arabia Felix, near the Town of Catif, over against Baharem : the
Isle of Ceylon about Manar : the Isle of Japan. The best at Ceylon,
but small : the biggest at Japan, but uneven. In the West-Indies
they are fished in the Nort/i-Sea, in the Isles of Marguerite, Cubagua,
St. Marthe : and at Comana, Comanagote, near the Continent : and
in the South-Sea, near Panama : which American sort, though they
are much inferiour to the Oriental, in Lustre, yet they far excel them
in bigness, amounting sometimes (saith this Author) to 42 Carats?

In this Relation 'tis mentioned, that sometimes 5, or 6 Pearls
are found in one Oyster : That Pearl-fishers are fed with dry and
roasted meat, to give them better breathing: That Pearl-bearing
Oysters are not good to eat, being flat and hard of digestion, &c

As to the Price of good Pearls, well fashioned, he marketh it, as
follows :

Such a Pearl of

Grain 1

Crowns

I

Carats 2

Crowns 64

« 2

»

4

„ *i

„ 81

» 3

>>

9

» 4

„ 100

Carats 1

19

16

„ *!

„ 121

» a

99

«S

». 3

„ 144

» 4

»

36

» 3i

„ 160

.. if

»

49

» Û

» i96

1 See antfy p. 103 of Travels. 2 See ante, p. 104 of Travels.

3 See ante, pp. 107 and 116 of Travels.

HISTOIRE DES JOYAUX 475

The English Edition of the " Histoire des Joyaux "

Since the foregoing pages were printed I have had the good
fortune to obtain a copy of a small volume entitled The History of
Jewels y and of the Principal Riches of the East and West, Taken from
the Relation of Divers of the most Famous Travellers of our Age ;
Attended with Fair Discoveries conducing to the Knowledge of the
Universe and Trade} Although not stated to be a translation,
the identity of its contents with those of Chappuzeau's Histoire des
Joyaux, as shown by the above abstract, admit of no doubt that it
is the same work in an English dress.

Neither Chappuzeau nor Tavernier are mentioned in it ; but the
internal evidence conclusively proves that it must have been largely
founded on Tavernier's original memoirs. If it be the case that
Chappuzeau appropriated these without acknowledgment, it would
also appear that the English editor pirated Chappuzeau's book.

A general resemblance of facts alone would not prove Tavernier
to have been the original author, but the History casually refers to
certain dates in connection with places where we know Tavernier to
have been in the same years. Thus on p. 26 reference is made to
Mir Jumld and his occupation at Gandikot in the year 1652, i.e.
when Tavernier visited him (see vol. i, p. 284). On p. 2$ the
depreciated condition of the diamond mines at Kollur in the year
1660 is referred to, and Tavernier alludes (see ante, p. 75) to a falling
off in the number of miners since his first visit, and we have otherwise
seen that he had visited the mines in 1660 (see vol i, Introduction,
p. xxiil On p. 123 the facts stated in reference to bezoar are
substantially the same as Tavernier's own personal record (see p. 148
ante). Tavernier's personal stories about Bohemian rubies (see p.
103 ante) and a living worm in dead coral (see p. 134 ante) are both
in the History, pp. 60 and 106.

Short as it is, the History contains some facts not given in the
Travels, but they, for the most part, do not refer to India.

Of facts given in the History which are omitted accidentally or
are misprinted in the Travels, some, as will be seen, confirm correc-
tions and additions already made in the footnotes on preceding
pages. On p. 24 of the History we find the name of the diamond

1 London, printed by T. N. for Hobart Kemp, etc., 1671, small 8vo,
pp. 128.

INDEX AND GLOSSARY

Adds, a weight for pearls (2.66 troy

grs.), i, 4*7; "» *ii> 121
Abàsi (Abassi), Persian coin (worth
" is. 6d.) and money of account, i, 23,

414
Abbas II, Shah of Persia, i, 350
Abder-Razzak, quoted, i, 255 n.
Abdul Kutab Shah (Abdoul Cou t ou Cha),

i, 159; ii, 176 jj
Abdul Zabar Beg (the King of Gol-

conda's general), i, 167, 170
Abdulla Khan (Aurangzeb's general),

h 352
Ab-i-tazi (Beiazy), in Afghanistan, i, 91

Abu Sayyid Mirzâ, Sultan, i, 323

Abyssina, ii, 6, 158

Achin or Acheen (for Sumatra), i, 279

n. ; king of, ii, 187, 299, 316, 318,

352
Adam's fig (the plantain fruit, Musa

sapientum vel paradisiacal i, 247 ;

ii, 4 «., 253, 283
Addanki (Adanquige), i, 266
Adjaib-al-Hind, quoted, i, 75
"Admiral," for leading ship, i, 313
Adrican, the Sieur (D.), i, 373
Adulteration of musk, ii, 144
Afghans (Augans), i, 92
Africa, gold in, ii, 155, 158
African Coast, coral from the, ii, 133 n.
A ga- serai t, i, 121
Agates of Cambay, i, 69
Agha, Pers., lord or master, i, 83
Agra from Delhi, i, 104 ; to Golconda,

i, 149; maund, value of, i, 419;

palace at, i, 107 ; to Patna, i, 113 ;

from Surat, i, 66, 89 ; tombs at, i,

109
Ahmadabad, i, 72 ; diamond, the, ii,

125 ; sale of jewels at, i, 18 «., 308;

hospital for sick animals at, i, 78;

monkeys at, i, 79 ; silks at, ii, 27
Ain4-Akbari, the, quoted, i, 9 «., 28

it., 34 «., 157 «., 280 n. ; ii, 54 n.

Ainslie, Dr. {Materia Medic a), quoted,

ii, 20 »., 130 »., 138 »., 155 n.,

271 tt.
Ajmir (Emir), i, 348
Akai ? (Akmaie), i, 58
Akbar, i, 323 ; tomb of, i, in
Akbarpur (Ekberbourg), i, 121
Akil Khan (Akel Kan)% i, 135, 395
Alacorsy sweepers. See Halalkhors
Albert us (a coin), i, 13
Alegamma Mudaliyar (Motiar), of

Ceylon, ii, 188
Aleppo (A/ep), i, 7, 200
Ali {Hafy), the prophet, i, 375 ; Sect

of, i, 160, 171
Alibaghân {Alyboua), i, 93
Aljofar (afjauAar, At.), seed pearls,

ii, 118 n.t 228 n.
Allahabad {Halabas), i, 17, 116
Altnadier (Ermaadiah, Ar.), a ferry

boat, i, 1 76 n.
Almasgooda ? {Afmaspinde), ii, 94
Almonds, bitter, used as money. See

Badam
Aloes, Socotrian, ii, 21
Aloe -wood ( = lignum aloes), ii, 21
Alphabet of the Siamese language, ii,

289
Alum Chand (Alinchan), i. 115
Alumpur (A/pour), ii, 94
Amanat Khan (Menât Kan), i, 95
Ambad (Aubar and Ember), i, 146, 148
Ambassadors. See Embassies
Amber, ii, 132, 136, 137, 261, 266
Ambergris at Mozambique, i, 190 ; ii,

138

Amboyna Is., in Molucca Sea, i, 235
America, cowries sent to, i, 28 ; early

trade with Asia, ii, 105 «. ; pearls

found in, ii, 12
Amethyst, oriental, i, 399 ; ii, 99
Amsterdam, ii, 416
A-muck, running, ii, 362, 374
Andaman Islands, ii, 400 m.

INDEX AND GLOSSARY

479

Banian or Banyan, a, dealer in dia-
monds, ii, 63
Banians or Banyans (Banianes), i, 6,

59. 60, 74» 75» 77» 9»» i<>4» 136;
ii, 183

Banka? (Bala), tin mines, ii, 162

Bankok, in Siam, ii, 288 ».

Bantam, in Java, King of, ii, 345, 352,

361-365
Banyan tree {Ficus Indica), ii, 198

Baobhak Khan (for Baubec Kan in

text, but probably incorrect), i, 375,

376
Baquelpour, See Bhagulpur
Barbosa, quoted, ii, 138, 144
Bardoli or Panoli (Barnoly), t., i, 48,

142
Barefoot Carmelites, i, 196, 202
Barikàb (Bariabé), in Afghanistan, i,

93
Barki sarâi (Barçui-sera), in Gwalior,

i, 62
Barkur (Bakanoor), on west coast of

India, ii, 308
Barna river, near Benares, i, 118 ».
Bâroda (Broudra), i, 71
Baroét King of, in Africa, ii, 162
Baroque (an irregularly shaped pearl),

ii, 108, 114
Barunda (Boronda), i, 88
Bassein (Bassain), i, 176
Bassora or Basra (Balsara), i, 5 ; ii,

117
Bastion de France, the (N. coast of

Africa), ii, 132
Batavia, ii, 358 ; councils at, ii, 326 ;

funeral expenses at, ii, 377 ; Tavernier

arrives at, ii, 321
Bathing in the Ganges during an eclipse,

ii, 247
Battle between the sons of Shah Jahan,

i, 331
Baubec Kan ? See Baobhak Khan

Bavarian pearls, ii, 113

Bayaderes, See Baladines

Bazu (a Dutchman), ii, 126

Beauce, La {Beausse), in France, i, 57 n.

Beconcour? in Patna, i, 123

Beer, English, ii, 368

Begum Sahib (Jahânarâ), i, 17, 326;
death of, i, 345 ; imprisonment of,
i, 342 ; is restored to favour, i, 376 ;
saves her father's jewels from destruc-
tion, i, 372, 398 n.

Behar or Bihar, pro v., i, 330 n.t 336 n. ;
ii. 458

Benara (Beard), i, 142

Beke, Dr., quoted/ ii, 441

Bellary District, diamond mines, ii, 45 1

Belle Épine, See Vyepu

Belliporto, See Beypur

Belloy, M. du (F.), i, 203, 205, 206,

207, 208, 210
Benares (Benarou, Banarous, and Ben-

arez), i, 118, 119; ii, 182, 225, 230
Bengal, diamond mines of, ii, 81, 84,

45 2» 457 » revenue of, i, 114 ; shellac

from, ii, 22
Benjamin, Mr., quoted, ii, 443 n.
Bergam or Bur gant. See Wungaon
Bernier, M., French physician and

author, i, 115, 122, 125, 349;

quoted, i, 321 «., 331 »., 332 ».,

372 »., 373 »•» 384 »., 395 *•»
396 «., 398 «., 400 «., 410 «.,
414 n. ; ii, 129 n., 205 «., 225 n,,
436 n,
Bernoulli, quoted, i, 92, 93, 121 ; ii,

460 n.
Beruzabad. See Firozabàd
Betel (the leaf of Chavica betel), i, 265,

286 ; ii, 354
Beypur (Belliporto), i, 235
Bezoar, ii, 143, 146, 151
Bezwada (Bezouar and Bezouart), on

the Kistnâ river, i, 174, 261
Bhàgnagar or Haidarâbad, capital of
Golconda, i, 150, 151, 156, 162,
167
Bhagulpur (Baquelpour), in Bengal, i,

124
B hang ox Indian hemp, ii, 212
Bhaumal ? or Bheenmal (Bimal), i, 87
Bhim làt, a stone pillar at Bianâ, i, 89 n.
Bhutan (Bouton), i, 16 ; ii, 258, 268 ;

King of, ii, 146
Biâna (Baniana), in Bhurtpur, i, 89
Bible, Tavernier's, not taken to Goa,

i, 202
Bibliography of the editions of Taver-
nier's works, i, xxxix ; ii, xiii
Bichola (Bich-ola), i, 55
Bicholim (BUholly), i, 181 ; ii, 305
Bijapur (Visapour), properly Vijayapura,
i, 1, 181 ; conquered by Aurangzeb,
i, 161 ; diamond mines, ii, 453; to
Golconda, i, 181 ; King of, i, 160,
182 ; ii, 176, 187 ; Queen of, i, 183,
213
Billiton (Bordelon) tin mines, ii, 162
Bird, Miss, quoted, ii, 462
Bird, a, that eats nutmegs, ii, 1 5
Birds of Paradise, the myth about, ii, 1 5
Bishkhupra, a lizard, ii, 288 n.
Bishop of Beyrout (Beryte), ii, 287, 295
Bishop of Heliopolis, ii, 287
Bishop of Megalopolis, ii, 287
Bishop of Myra, in Lycia, i, 208

INDEX AND GLOSSARY

481

Ceylon Colonial Guide, quoted, ii, 102

n. ; in n.
Ceylon elephants, i, 278; ii, 317
Ceylon, Governor of, i, 192
Ceylon, King of, ii, 187
Ceylon Observer, the Overland, quoted,

ii, III n.
Ceylon precious stones, ii, 99
Ceylon sapphire washings, ii, 102,

470
Ceylon, Tavernier leaves, ii, 321
Cha. See Shah

Cha Bandar. See Shah Bandar
Cha Est Kan. See Shâistà Khan
Cha Gehan. See Shah J ah an
Chaes. See Shdhi
Chàinpur (Chenipour), i, 55
Chakras, metal quoits, i, 82
Chaksu (Chasou), i, 89
Chambal river (Chammel-nadi), i, 64
Chanda District, diamond mines in, ii,

452
Chandia on Sone {Andy), i, 55 ».
Chappuzeau, M., quoted, i, xxx ; ii,

459, 471
Chapra (Chou far), near Patna, i, 122 ;

ii, 12
Char ados. See Sudras
Charak pujd (swinging festival), ii, 254
Chardin, quoted, i, xxvi, 98 n., 115 /;.,

268 w., 335 «., 373 «., 374 »., 382

»., 388 n.t 415 n. ; ii, 64, 138
Charwa (Charoiia), i, 55
Chateau des Bois, M. de, i, 221, 228
Chativor river, i, 127
Chaul (Chaoul), i, 176
Chegathay. See Cathay
Chcgos, an arbitrary weight for pearls,

ii, xi, 122
Chck. See Sheikh
Chekaipour. See Sheikhpura
Chela, fish, i, 150 n.
Cheraf. See Shroff
Cherouraàad? i, 1 14
Cheteur, the Sieur (D.), i, 289, 301
Chèvres, the Sieur (D.), ii, 373
Chiamay lake (a myth), ii, 278
Chidâbad (Sayyidâbâd,), i, 71
Children dealing in diamonds, ii, 61
China, Dutch embassy to, ii, 297, 300 ;

gold in, ii, 155; King of, ii, 187;

Russian embassy to, ii, 271
Chinese at Batavia, ii, 223 ; money, i,

416 ; navigators, i, 255 n.
Chintzes {Chiles), i, 56, 80; ii, 4, 5
Choupart and Chotipar. See Sholàpur
Christian, convert, King of Ceylon, a,

ii, 1 88 ; princes, sons of Shah Dâniâl,

i. 337

Christians in the east, ii, 176 ; native, at

Madras, i, 270
Christofle (a French soldier), i, 236
Chutiâ Nagpur, diamonds of, ii, 81 n.
Cinnamon {cartel le), i, 234; ii, 14, 18,

317; bastard, i, 234
Clerc, Captain (£.), i, 177
Cloves, ii, 14, 17
Cobra snake, ii, 153
Cochin, Dutch Governor of, i, 243 ; King

of, i, 242 ; siege of, i, 235 et sea.
Cochinchina, King of, ii, 187
Cocoanut palm, ii, 84 n.
Coco-de-mer, ii, 289 n.
Cocos (or Keeling) Is., ii, 390
Coelehiel? t., i, 88
Coffee, ii, 23, 24
Coins current in India, i, 13 ; of Siam,

ii, 289 ; value of, i, 41 1-4 1 6
Cointrel a drug, ii, 20
Collision at sea, a, ii, 391
Coloured stones (precious), ii, 99
Comets of 16 18 and 1665, i, 388 /;.
Commercial company, establishment of

a, in India, ii, 33
Comogote} in West Indies, ii, 113
Comorin, Cape, i, 205
Comouks (a Tartar tribe), ii, 392
Company for commerce, how to estab-
lish a, ii, 33
Constant, the Sieur (D.), ii, 326 et sea.
Constantinople, i, 208
Conduite des Hoi Ian dois, quoted, ii,

136 n.
Conti, Nicolo, quoted, ii, 460
Contour, M., a French merchant, ii, 16
Contraband trading by wives of Dutcli

officials, ii, 49
Conversion of King of Macassar, ii, 306
Conveyances in India, i, 39
Copenour? t., i, 266
Copper coins of India, i, 27
Copper mines (at Singhana ?), i, 27 n.
Coracles on the Kistnâ, i, 10, 294, 299 ;

ii, 69 n.
Coral, red, ii, 132, 265
Cordeliers (monastic order), i, 196
Corge (for Kori = a score), ii, 5
Coromandel, ii, 215
Corsa ? near Agra, ii, 9
Cosing, for Hassan (see Mirza Abdul

H.) i, 170
Cosmas, the monk, quoted, ii, 104 n.
Coss (an Indian measure of distance

about 2 miles), i, 47, 420 ; short,

i, 52, 57
Costus (Oupelote), a drug, ii, 20
Cotapilly (Cotepali), i, 294
Coteen, t., i, 294

VOL. II

2 I

INDEX AND GLOSSARY

483

ii, 98 ; the Grand Duke of Tuscany's,
ii, 97, 124, 447; weights, ii, 89

Diamonds, in Borneo, ii, 87, 462 ;
brittle, ii, 79 ; coloured, ii, 75 ;
finest, seen by Tavemier, ii, 123 ;
described by Garcia de Orta, ii, 433 ;
with green crust, ii, 78; Jesuits
trade in, ii, 304 ; sold to King of
France, ii, 126 ; belonging to Dom
Phil, de Mascarehnas, i, 228 ; Mir
Jumlâ's, i, 287 ; price of, ii, 95 ;
private trade in, i, 3 1 1 ; swallowing,
ii» 59 ; weights of, mentioned by
Tavemier, ii, 448

Dilod (Telor), i, 55

Directors of the Dutch Company, ii,

415. 421

Distance, measures of, i, 47, 419

Diu, i, 6, 312; ii, 35, 36, 37

Divan, the, i, 98, 100

Diving for pearls, ii, 119

Dog's flesh eaten in Assam, ii, 282

Dol Aledanl i, 50

Dom tribe, ii, 84 u.

Dominicans, ii, 196, 202

Donapourl t., i, 125

Dongri or Dungri (Dongry), near Nar-
wâr, i, 59

D'Orléans, M. le Duc (F.), ii, 334

Doudnagar (Daoud-nagar sera), i, 121

Dou/oudia? i, 126

Dourahai {Sera Dourai), i, 95

Dow, quoted, i, 363 ». ; ii, 432 ft.

Drinking at Batavia, ii, 325

Drugs, African, ii, 162 ; Indian, ii, 19

Ducat (a coin), i, 14, 412

Duff, Grant, quoted, i, 182 n.

Dupad (Doupar), i, 298

Duraha (Dour-ay), i, 55

Durgouti river (Saode-sou), i, 120

Durian fruit, ii, 287

Dutch, the, capture of an English ship,
"> 373» at Chapra, i, 122; colon-
ists at the Cape, ii, 397 ; commander
in Ceylon, i, 258 ; blockade of Goa,
i, 185 ; at Dacca, i, 128; embassy
to China, ii, 297 ; pay bills, ii, 379,
424; perfidy of, ii, 316; prisoners
to Javanese, ii, 374 ; treachery of,
ii» 351 » vessels of war, i, 312 ; war
with Java, ii, 368

Dymock, Dr., quoted, ii, 21 it.

Earl Marshal's paper on diamonds, the,
quoted, ii, 54 if., 60 «., 73 ft., 79 «.,

455 »•» 467 *•
Ecclesiastics at Goa, i, 196

Eclipse in 1666, an, ii, 247

Economic Geology of India, quoted, i,

27 tt., 69 »., 122 ;;., 157 n., 172 ».,
288 n. ; ii, 19 if., 55 «., 72 n., 78 ».,
136 «-, 138 "., 156 if., 157 "•> 241

If., 271 It., 28l ft. y 282 ft., 450 ft.,

459 »•
Ecu (or white crown = 4s. 6d.), i, 26,

411

Eden, Miss E., quoted, ii, 446

Elektron (shellac), ii, 21 n.

Elephants, African, i, 217, 277; ii,
317; age of, i, 279; bathing of, i,
304 ; Ceylon, i, 278 ; ii, 317 ; hunt-
ing of, i, 274 ; iconoclastic, i, 59 ;
mischief done by, i, 88 ; the Mogul's,
i, 280, 386; Sumatran, ii, 317 «.,
35 1 ; tusks used for palisades, i, 277 ;
ii, 161 ; in war, use of, i, 179 ; where
obtained, i, 276 ; white, ii, 290 ;
wild, ii, 262

El' Katif (Catifa), in Persian Gulf, ii,
108, in, 120

Ell (cubit), the, of Agra, i, 38 ; of
Surat, ii, 2

Ellora or Elura, temples at, i, 148

Elphinstone (History of India), quoted,
i, 169 «., 336 if., 337 »., 349 «. ;
(Caubitl) ii, 444

Emanuel, H., quoted, ii, 124 «., 471

Embassies, to Aurangzeb, i, 373 (see
China) ; from Aurangzeb to Persia,
i, 374 ; from Achin to Batavia, ii,
318; Dutch to China, ii, 300; Ma-
cassar to Batavia, ii, 302

Emeralds, Egyptian, ii, 104 ; Peruvian,
ii, 105 ; Siberian, ii, 105 n.

Eminàbad (Imiabad), i, 94

Encuse (Enkhuizen), in Holland, ii, 416

English, beer at Batavia, ii, 368 ; at
Broach, i, 66 ; in Ceylon, i, 259 ;
Dutch naval engagement with, i,
313; frauds by the, i, 12; injured
by the Dutch, ii, 349 ; officials'
salaries, ii, 48 n. ; President at
Madras, i, 269, 270 ; ship captured by
the Dutch, ii, 373 ; in Surat, ii, 168

Englishman executed in Macassar, ii,
298

Englishman's revenge, an, i, 1 1

Ephraim, Father, Capuchin, i, 163,
164, 209, 220 et sea., 253, 269

Erengiodd? i, 152

Ergtiga river, i, 123

Errgaum? (Birgam), i, 147

Erskine (BAbar^s Memoirs), quoted,
ii, 431, 432

Etawah (Estanja), i, 113

Etawah? (Kadioue), i, 96, 115 if.

Examination of passengers from Batavia,
ii. 389

INDEX AND GLOSSARY

485

Golconda, to Aurangâhâd, i, 181 ; a
large diamond at, ii, 1 24 ; diamond
mines, ii, 453 ; King of, i, 161, 169,
229, 233, 256; ii, 176, 187; king-
dom of, i, 1 50 ; to Kollur, ii, 94 ; to
Masulipatam, i, 172; peace with,
celebrated, i, 169 ; people of, i, 158 ;
to Ramulkota, ii, 93 ; revisited in
I^53> i* 3°9 > Tavernier's arrival at,
i, 30 1

Gold, absorption of, in India, ii, 205 ;
in Africa, ii, 155 ; in Asia, ii, 155 ;
in Assam, ii, 275 n., 281, 284 ; as-
sayers of, ii, 42 ft. ; in China, ii,
155 ; duty on, i, 8 ; ii, 25 ; in For-
mosa, ii, 155 ; abundant in Goa, i,
189; ii, 25; in Japan, ii, 155;
nugget, ii, 320 ; in Tipperah, ii,
275 ; a tree of, ii, 160 ; how weighed,

i, IS

Golden rupees (mohitrs), i, 15; value

of, i, 19 ; virtue of, i, 17
Gombroon (Bandar Abbas), i, 3, 214/1.,

234 ; ii, 164, 335
Good Hope. See Cape of Good Hope
Goodymetta (Goremeda), i, 295
Gorakhpur, ii, 259
Cos or gau = 8 miles, i, 47, 176, 419
Gouger, H., quoted, ii, 294 n,
Goulapaliï i, 283

Grand Mosque at Jahanabad, i, loi
Grand Seigneur, the (of Turkey), i, 211
Grandpre, quoted, i, 153 n.
Grapes and vines in Assam, ii, 282
Great Mogul, the, i, 394. See under

special subjects
Great Mogul's diamond (see Diamonds) ;

elephants (see Elephants) ; etc. etc.
Gros, French weight = 60.285 &&'

troy, i, 24, 416
Growse, Mr. (Malhurd), quoted, ii,

240 n.
Guard of honour at Golconda, i, 155
Guilder (a Dutch coin), i, 413 ; ii, 380,

418
Guisemnerl i, 146
Gujarat (Guzerate), i, 26, 27
Gulden (German coins), i, 412
Gunners, Frank, i, 144, 145
Gunpowder, ii, 268 ; invention of, ii,

277
Guns, invention of, ii, 277 ; in Bhutan,

ii, 268

Gwalior, fort and town, i, 62, 63 ;

prison, i, 63, 333

Hadjrâpur (Aeerat), i, 126, 131
H aida râ bad. See Bhagnagar
Halàlkhors (Alacors), outcasts, ii, 186

Hamadan, in Persia, i, 160
Hans, Captain (D.), ii, 164
Hanuman (the monkey god), ii, 193
Hartman, the Sieur (D.), ii, 168
Hâth or cubit of India, ii, 2 w.
Hatiakhera (Ater-kaira), i, 55
Heat, greatest in the world, i, 5 ; at

Agra, i, 105
Herbs, medicinal, i, 301
Hercules, M. (a Swede), i, 258
Herring fishers, Dutch, ii, 412
Hervey, Mr. D. F. A., quoted, ii, 87

/*., 462
Highroads in India, i, 292
Hillmen, dress and costume of, ii, 265
Hindaun (Hindoo), i, 89
Hindia (Andy), i, 55
Hindustan, extent of, i, 321 ; western

frontier of, i, I ; wars of, i, 321
Hingani (Nagouni), i, 148
Histoire de la Conduite des Hollandois,

etc., quoted, i, xviii ; ii, 49 n.
Histoire Générale des Voyages, quoted,

i, 250 //. ; ii, 72 ».
Histoire des Joyaux, quoted, ii, 471
History of Jewels, quoted, ii, 475
Holcora? in Golconda, i, 300
Holland, Tavernier's arrival in, ii, 413
Hooker, Sir J. D., quoted, i, 250 n.
Hormuz (Onnus), Dutch factory at, ii,

417 ; Governor of, i, 191 ; a pearl

at, ii, 109 ; occupied by Portuguese,

h 193 > to Masulipatam, i, 255 ; to

Surat, i, 3
Hornaday, Mr., quoted, ii, 318 n.
Home (or Hoorn), in Holland, ii, 416
Horse, a, presented to Tavern ier, i, 20,

308 ; the wooden, an instrument of

torture, i, 243
Horses, the food of, in India, i, 102,

i, 283 ; Indian, ii, 263 ; the Mogul's,

*> 97» 385 ; present of, from Persia,

i, 256 ; prices of, i, 385
Hosen and Hosain, ii, 177
Hospital, at Goa, i, 197 ; for sick

animals, i, 78
Hottentots, ii, 392

Hughes, Mr. T. W. H., quoted, i, 271
Hugli (Ogottli), i, 125, 133
Humayun (son of Babar), i, 323
Hunter, Sir W. W. See Imperial

Gazetteer
Hungary, rubies ? and opals in, ii, 103
Hyâtnagar (Jatenagar), in Golconda, i,

173

Ibn Batuta, quoted, ii, 200 ».
Ibrahim Lodi, i, 105 n.
Iceland, ii, 409

INDEX AND GLOSSARY

487

Kasim bazar (Casenbazar), i, 125, 130,

131» 133; »> 2» 4
Kasvin (Casbin), in Persia, ii, 279

Katarel river, i, 124

Katif (for Catifa). See El'Katif

Kazi (Cadi), the Grand, i, 355, 356

Kazim Muhammad, quoted, ii, 278 «.,

279 »., 280 »., 281 «., 282 n.,

283 n.
Keene, Mr. H. G., quoted, i, 105 ».,

414 ».
Kelly, Universal Cambist, quoted, i,

417 ; ii, 54 ».
Kerkoa, or the Begum's Caravansarai,

i, 49
Kerr, quoted, ii, 151 «., 158 »., 393 n.

Khâibâri (Kiemry), i, 93

Khan of Gombroon, the, ii, 335 ; of

Hormuz, ii, no
Khandup (Cantap), i, 87
Khdnjar (can/are), a dagger, i, 100,

308 ; ii, 363
Khichri (Quicheri), rice and spices, i,

282, 391
KhiPat or Killut (Calaat), a robe of

honour, i, 20, 98, 141, 163, 308
Khurmabad? of AS. (Gourmabad), i,

120
Khurram (erroneously Kurum, on p.

143 in text), Sultan, i, Ï43, 324»,

335
Khusru (son of Jahangir), i, 324, 334 n.

King, Rev. C. W., quoted, i, 396 n. ;

ii, 431 »•
King, Dr. Wm., quoted, ii, 450 n.
King, the, of Bhutan, ii, 268 ; of

France, ii, 425 ; of Golconda, i, 159 ;

ii, 176
King's (Mogul's), the, court, i, 10 1 ;

palace, i, 97 ; throne, i, 99, 381,

387. See Mogul
Kings, the idolatrous, of Asia, ii, 187
Kistnâ District, diamond mines, ii, 452
Kistna Manual, quoted, ii, 73 »., 454
Kistnà river, i, 174 «.; ii, 93 «., 94 n.
Kluge, quoted, ii, 431 »., 443 n,
Koadgul (Cakenol), ii, 93
Koch Hajo (Asoo), ii, 279
Koel (Gouel) river, in Bengal, ii, 84,

85» 457
Koh-i-nur, the, ii, 58 »., 431-446

Kolaras or Kailaras (Collasar), i, 58

Kollur (Coulour), diamond mine, i,

172 »., 173, 174, 265; ii, 72, 74,

89, 90. 94» 1*5

Konavaidu or Kondavir (Condevir), i,

265
Kongoon (Bandar Congo), in Persian
Gulf, ii, 109

Koodra river (Goudera-sou), i, 120
Koran, the, ii, 175, 355
Kotayam? (Godorme), i, 245
Kotwàl (CoutevaJ), Provost, i, 112
Kotwan (Cotki-sera), i, 104
Kranganur or Kodangalur, i, 235, 241
Kuâri river, i, 64
Kuâri sarai (Quariqui-sera), i, 64
Kulliani ? in text, more probably Cal-

lian bandar (for Callian Bondi), ii,

206
Kumaon (Kerman), ii, 267
Kundanool (Canal Candanor), ii, 93
Kurnâl (Sera-Crindal), i, 95
Kutâb Shah, King of Golconda, i, 159;

ii, 176
Kutch, resin of Acacia catechu, ii, 250
Kyatpyen (Capelan), ii, 99, 465

Lac. See Shellac

Ladies, the, bath at Ispahan, i, 213;

contraband trading by, ii, 49 ;

Dutch, entertained by Tavernier, i,

3"
Lahore, i, 94, 146, 336, 340, 346
Laidlay, Mr., quoted, i, 417 ;;.
Lakh or Lack (Lek&e) = 100,000 rupees,

i, 28, 41
Lakia river (Laottia), i, 127
Lakkawurrum (Lakabaron), i, 173
Lama, the Grand, ii, 270 n.
Lambert, M., Bishop of Beyrut, ii, 295
Lan, Pitre de, a Dutch surgeon, i, 301
Lansdell, Dr. H., quoted, ii, 104 n.
Lapis Lazuli, in Badakshan, ii, 156 ts.
Lasonà (Lesona), i, 147
Lasoor (Lazour), i, 148
Lasques (flat diamonds), i, 287
Lat Bhairo (pillar at Benares), i, 119
Laval, Pyrad de, quoted, i, 186 ».
Lawali (Nuali), i, 89
Lead mines in Assam, ii, 281, 284
Lead pencils, i, 230
Leagues (Fr. lieue), i, 57, 68, 419, 420
Le Blanc, quoted, ii, 100 ».
Leeches, i, 248 et seq.
Leper, a, at Goa, i, 203
Lescot, M. (F.), ii, 304, 459
Les Provinces (a ship), ii, 391
Letter-carriers, i, 291 ; from Tavernier

to the General at Batavia, ii, 168
Letters between Shaista Khan and

Tavernier, i, 402
Lime (coral or shell), i, 43 n.
Linschoten, quoted, i, 186; ii, 87 ».,

98 «., 256 ».
Lions, tame, i, 80 ; in Burmah ? ii, 100 ;

in Siam ? ii, 286
Liquorice, ii, 21

INDEX AND GLOSSARY

489

\

Mingrela. See Vengurla.

Mints, the Great Mogul's, i, 9

Mint mas ter, i, 9

Mir Jumlâ (Mir Gimola, Mirza Mo/a,
Mirgimola, Amir Jemla, and Mir
Jem/a), conquest of Assam, ii, 277 ;
as a man of business, i, 170, 291 ;
at Dacca, i, 128 ; presents great
diamond to Shah Jahân, i, 395, and
App. I, vol. ii ; his diamond mines,
i, 170 »., 287 ; ii, 86 ; siege of
Gandikot, i, 259, 261, 286 et sec.;
dispute with Golconda, i, 165 ; quits
Golconda, i, 169 ; life attempted,
i, 165 ; honoured by Shah Jahân,
i, 1 70 ; sent in charge of Sultan
Muhammad, i, 360 ; power and in-
fluence, i, 357

Mirabolans, fruit of Terminalia chebula,
which see

Miraculous, distribution of food at
Jagannath, ii, 227 ; feeding of a
multitude, i, 298

Miran Shah, i, 323

Mirza Abdul Hasan (Cosing), i, 170

Mirza Muhammad, i, 161 ft., 168

Mirza Mauzim (Mirza Mouson), i, 135

Miscarriages, i, 393

Mishkal (a Persian weight), i, 418

Mittra, Dr. Rajendra Lai, quoted, ii,
226 n.

Mocha (Moced), i, 32, 38

Modra (Modra), i. 87

Mogor for Mogul, i, 141 n.

Mogul Emperors, the, i. 323

Mogul, the Great, diamond, ii, 97, 123,
43 !» 435 » elephants, i, 386; festival,
i> 379 î horses, i, 385 ; jewels of, i,
394 ; mints, i, 9 ; presents to, i, 380 ;
thrones, i, 99, 381, 383; weighing
of, i, 380. See also under respective
subjects

Moguls, the, i, 322

Mogulsarai (Sera Mogoul), in Punjab,

Mogulsarai (Magalki-sera), in Tonic

State, i, 57
Mohania ki sarai (Momarky - sera), i,

120
Mohurs. See Golden rupees.
Moluccas (Moluques), i, 189; ii, 1 4, 17
Mom or Mum (Brunswick beer), ii, 369
Money in India, i, 8 ; spurious, i, 29
Mongir (Monger), i, 124
Monkeys, yielding bezoar, ii, 150;

combats of, i, 271 ; veneration for,

i, 77, 79; worship of, i, 195
Monomotafta? ii, 158, 160
Monsoons, i, 4 n.

Moonoogodoo (Monieeottr), ii, 94

Morality of the Indians, ii, 252

Morimol? i, 295

Moscovites, ii, 272

Moseley, Prof., quoted, ii, 133 n.

Mosque at Ahmad a bad, i, 72 ; at Au-

rangâbad, i, 146; at Benares, i, 118
Mosul (Moussul), i, 92
Moukaranl in Africa, ii, 161
Mozambique, Governor of, i, 190 ; ii,

6, 138, 158
Mufti (Moufti), i, 1 10 n.
Muhammad Amin, Mir Jumla's son, i,

164, 357 «•
Muhammad, Sultan, son of Miran Shah,

i> 323 » son of Aurangzeb, i, 164,

169, 357, 360
Muhammadan travellers, the, quoted,

ii, 104 n.
Muhammadans, i, 1 1 ; their religion, ii,

175
Mullâ (Mollahs), i, 1 10 n.

Multan, on the Chenab river, i, 90

Mullanipet (Mirel-Mola-Kipet), i, 148

Mumtâz-i-Muhàl (Arjamund Begum), i,

109 n.
Murad Baksh (Morat Bake he), Sultan, i,

63, 326-333
Murder at Burhanpur, i, 53 ; by a Per-
sian physician, i, 1 1 7 ; in Mogul's

presence, ii, 219 n.
Murders by Portuguese, i, 1 89
Murray, Captain, quoted, ii, 445 ».
Murray, John (on the diamond), quoted,

ii, 98 «., 124 n.
Murrayvamla (Mamli), i, 299
Murrhine vases, ii, 205 n.
Murshidâbàd (Madesou Bazarki), i, 132
Muscat or Maskat (Mascaté), i, 5, 191 ;

ii, 109
Music in the palace, i, 99
Musi river, at Haidarâbad, i, 151 n.
Musk, ii, 143, 258; deer, ii, 145
Muslins, i, 56 ; ii, 7
Mussuck (Mashak, Hind.), the inflated

skin of a goat, i, 73
Muttra. See Mathura
Myra, in Lycia, Bishop of, i, 208
Myrrh, ii, 20

Nabir. See Raver

Nadiad (Neriade), i, 72

Nadir Shah, ii, 440, 444

Nadiya (Nandi), i, 133

Ndg (snake), i, 42 n.

Nagarkot (Naugrocot), Kangra, ii, 256,

263
ATagis (? for Najaz\ i, 376
Nagulpad (Nagelpar), i, 173 ; ii, 94

INDEX AND GLOSSARY

491

Patri (Patris), i, 148

Patronage, Dutch, in appointments, ii,
51 ; of offices in Goa, i, 190, 192

Paulists, the, at Goa, i, 197

Paulki serai i, 57

Paungree? (Bargari), i, 148

Paunsir (Panser), i, 80

Pay-bills at Batavia, ii, 379

Pea-fowl, how caught, i, 69

Peacock throne, i, 384

Pearl, fisheries, ii, 107 ; a matchless, ii,
109 ; the Mogul's, ii, 130 ; a perfect,
ii, 1 3 1 ; King of Persia's, ii, 1 30 ;
rati, the (the value appears to be
2.66 troy grs., not 2.77 troy grs., as
stated in earlier part of this work), i,
417; ii, xii, 449; sold to Shaistâ
Khan, i, 1 38 ; ii, 1 30

Pearls, figures of, ii, 130 ; large, i, 137,
259, 287 ; in Mogul's treasury, i,
397 ; offered to King of Golconda, i,
305; origin of, ii, 1 16; season for
fishing, ii, 1 1 7 ; where obtained, ii,
107

Peasants, oppression of the, i, 391

Pegu, deficient in the arts, ii, 22 ; King
of, ii, 187 ; precious stones of, ii, 99,
465

Penances, ii, 255 ; Aurangzeb's, i, 373,
388 ; by widows, ii, 210

Penguins, i, 216 ». ; ii. 393 «., 399 ».

Pennair river, in Madras, i, 284 ».,
285 ».

Pennant, quoted, ii, 460

Peon (pion), a foot-soldier, i, 85

Pepper, two kinds, ii, 13; small, ii,

318

Pepper-House, the, at Cochin, i, 238

Persia, Aurangzcb's embassy to, i, 374 ;
the Shah o£ i, 375 ; ii, 7

Persian, adventures in India, i, 171 ;
ii, 176, 177; coins, i, 414; The,
Travels, quoted, i, 7 «., 23 «., 90
»., 176 «., 251 »., 268 »., 307 ».,
373 «., 417; ii, 7 »., 109 »., 159
«., 175 »., 198 «., 392 n.

Persian jewellers at Court, i, 135

Peshawar (Chaour), i, 93

Phansigârs (Thugs), ii, 185 ».

Phayre, Sir A., ii, 466

Philippe the Fourth, ii, 141

Philippine Is., ii, 105, 106

Phillips, John, quoted, i, xliii, 121,
232 «., 261 »., 394 «., 401 ».,
412 ». ; ii, I, 377

Philosophical Transactions, April 1 674,
quoted, ii, xiii, 126, 471

Physician, a Persian, i, 1 1 7

Physicians, Indian, i, 300, 303

Piastre, or Seville piece of eight = 4s.

6d., i, 26, 179, 412
Pigeons (Carpopluxga), fruit-eating, ii, 15
Pigs, wild, on St. Helena, ii, 402
Pilgrimages of the idolaters, i, 296 ; ii,

244, 363
Pilldu. See Palao

Pimpalner (Pipelnar), i, 142

Piomài sera ? i, 54

Pipal tree (Ficus religiosa, Lin.), ii,

198 ».
Pipar (Pipars), i, 87
Pipri (Pipeli and Piply), i, 146, 148
Pirates. See Malabaris
Pistoles, i, 22, 412
Pite or Pitre, a German, i, 268
Place Royale, in Paris, i, 107, 173
Plantain fruit. See Adam's fig
Pliny, quoted, ii, 104 «., 1 17 »., 463 ».
Point de Galle, i, 258 ; ii, 314, 367
Point naive (a diamond crystal), ii, 73,

86
Poison in Macassar, ii, 297
Poisonous reptiles in Siam, ii, 288
Police of Golconda, i, 154; in Shah

Jahan's time, i, 325
Polish prisoners in Turkey, i, 2 1 1
Pongangel? (Sikrigalli) i, 124
Ponocour? ii, 94
Pont Neuf, at Paris, i, 152
Pope, the, i, 228
Poraigoda? (Pcridera), i, 300
Porakâd (Porca), i, 241, 244
Porcupine stone, the, ii, 151
Porenaumla? (Morimol), i, 295
Portuguese, bandits, i, 125, 129;
character of, i, 1 88 ; at Goa, wealth
0I» if 193 ; money, i, 412 ; posses-
sions in India, i, 1S6 ». ; priest, a, ii,

403
Posewitz, Dr. T., quoted, ii, 87 »., 463

Potre, Mr. (D.), ii, 341

Prat (Pratt?), Mr., at Dacca, i, 131

Precious stones, Begum Sahib's, i, 344 ;

of Ceylon, ii, 102, 470 ; Shah

Jahan's, i, 344, 371
Presents made by Tavernier, i, 1 39
Prester John (Preste Jan), ii, 158
Priapender, the Emperor, ii, 188 ».
Prices of diamonds, ii, 95 ; of rubies,

ii, 101
Prince's Island, ii, 390
Princesses, the Royal, i, 393
Private trade of the Dutch, ii, 417
Ptolomey, quoted, ii, 457
Pulicat, i, 267

Pulwal (Pelttel-ki-sera), i, 104
Pundi (Poonter), i, 267
Pungul (Penguel), i, 173

INDEX AND GLOSSARY

493

Sale of jewels to Shâista Khan, i, 1 8,

3*> 130. 307
Salee or Sala (Sa//), in East Africa, i,

14

Saligram, the, ii, ioow.

Salim, Sultan, afterwards Jahângir, i,

323
Salsette, near Goa, i, 195 ; ii, 153

Salt in Assam, ii, 282

Saltpetre at Chaprâ, i, 122

S am bal pur District, diamond mines, ii,

452
Samoghâr (Samongutr), near Agra, i,

340 «•
Samorin. See Zamorin

Sampitan (sarbatane), a blow tube, ii,

298
San Dominique (in the Antilles), ii,

112
San Jago, coral, ii, 133 //.
Sanctissima Casa, la, i, 232
Sanderson, Mr. G. P., quoted, i, 280 ».,

386 «.
Sandstones at Agra, ii, 241
Sank river, in Gwalior (Sam'he), i, 64
Sank river, in Bengal, ii, 85, 460
Sankli (Sanquelis), i, 50
Sanquall i, 113, 114
Santapur (Satapour), i, 147
Santeselal i, 295

Santis, Dominico de (Venetian), ii, 151
Saoli? (Saruer), i, 146
Sapphire washings of Ceylon, ii, 102,

465, 470
Sardinia coral fisheries, ii, 132

Sargossa weed (Fucus ttafans), ii, 41 1 n.

Sarquet for Sarkarl i, 30 n.

Sarvapali ? (SerepeU), i, 267

Sasseram (Saseron), i, 120 ; ii, 82

Satulanagar (Satanagur), i, 147

Savagery, a relapse into, ii, 399

Schindler, A. H., quoted, ii, 104

Schrauf, Dr. A., quoted, ii, 96 w., 98 «.,

124, 438, 447
Scimdi, See Sindi
Scotch pearls, ii, 113
Secret, purchase, a, ii, 65 ; signs, sales

by, ii, 68 ; trade by officials, ii, 48
Sects, Muhammadan, ii, 175
Seer (a weight), i, 418 ; ii, 2, 266
Sehore (S/gnor), i, 55
Seine river at Paris, i, 1 1 5
Selim Khan or Islam Shah, i, 120
Scmencine (worm powder), ii, 259, 260,

267
Sena river (in Africa), ii, 160, 161
Senepgondl i, 267
Sengar river {Saingour), i, 114
Sepehr Sheko, i, 351, 353, 354

Sequin (a Venetian coin), i, 412

Sérail Morlidest i, 113

Seravarumbode (Serravaron), i, 270

Serpent worship, i, 42 ; ii, 249

Se/apour? ii, 93

Shâbâsh Khan, i, 328, 333

Shàdora (Chado/hi-sera), i, 57

Shah Abbas II, i, 350

Shah Bandar (Cha Bander), i, 7, 1 1

Shah Dâniâl, i, 324

Shah Jahan (Cha Gehan\ bribery of,
i, 17 ; his children, i, 326 ; death of,
i» 343» 37ii 376 ; descent of, i, 324;
his jewels, i, 371 ; life endangered,
i, 276 ; his prison, i, 334 ; a refugee
at Golconda, i, 168 ; seizes the
throne, i, 339, 340 ; his sickness, i,
32S» 327 ; his tomb, i, 109 ; his
treasure, i, 332

Shah Jahângir, i, 323, 334

Shah Jahani (Cha Jenni) rupees, i, 29

Shah of Persia, the, i, 374

Shah Safvi II of Persia, i, 339 ; ii, 7

Shâhâbâd (Sera Chaàas), i, 95

Shdhis (Chats), Persian coin worth
4^d., i, 23, 414

Shahji (a Maratha chief), i, 182 n.

Shahr-i-safa (Charisafar), i, 91

Shahzadâ Sarai (Serra// Chageada), i,

Shâista Khan (Cha Est A'an)t i, 18,

21, 31, 129, 138, 307, 332, 393,

401 ; ii, 113
Shàmiyanâ, an awning, i, 256
Sharkej (Sarquesse), i, 69, 72 ; ii, 9
Sheikh of Mecca, a, i, 161
Sheikh Mirza, Umr, i, 323
Sheikh-i-sarai (Cheht-sera), i, 1 04
Sheikhpurâ (Chekaipour), i, 55
Shell bracelets, ii, 273, 285
Shellac, ii, 20, 21 ; in Assam, ii, 282
Sher Shah, the Afghan, i, 120 n.
Sherring, Rev. M. A., quoted, ii, 231
Shias (Chtas), ii, 175
Shiganu? (Chaktnùouzé), i, 91
Shipwreck, escape from, ii, 311
Shoe question, the, i, 195 //.
Sholapur? (Choupart), i, 31, 409
Shroff (cherajf), a broker, i, 28, 34,

35 ; ii, 91, 183, 204
Shuja, Sultan, i, 166, 326, 330 ; in

Arakan, i, 355, 358, 367
Shupanga (Chepongoura)^ ii, 157, 158,

161
Siam, ii, 102 »., 286, 288, 346 ; King

of, ii, 187
Sidhpur? (CAttpour), i, 80
Sight of Father Ephraim improved by

imprisonment, i, 231-232

INDEX AND GLOSSARY

495

of native languages, ii, 64 tt. ; his

letters to and from Shâistâ Khan, i,

402; life in danger, i, 317; life

threatened, ii, 168 ; etc.
Temple explored by Tavernier, i, 264
Tenara or Atenara% i, 172, 300
Tenasserim (Denouserin), ii, 286
Tennant, Professor, quoted, ii, 58 «.,

431 «., 442 ».
Tennent, Sir E., quoted, i, 250 «.,

278 if., 280 tt. ; ii, 198 if., 317 1/.,

470 n.
Terate (a galley), ii, 108
Termittalia chebula {mirabolans), i, 72
Terry, Rev. E., i, 379 if., 388 »., 414

n. ; ii, 3 «., 24 tt.
Thevenot, quoted, i, 27 /*., 146 if., 149

if., 157 if., 170 «., 172 if., 372 if.,

384 if., 413 /*., 418 «. ; ii, 152 if.,

176 if., 216 if.
Thibet gold, etc., ii, 156
Thomas, E., quoted, i, 417 if.
Thomas, Father, in Siam, ii, 295
Thrones of the Mogul, i, 99, 381, 387
Thunderbolts, i, 257 ; ii, 85
Tieffenthaler, quoted, i, 92 if., 93 if.,

114 if., 120 if., 121 «., 125 if., 126

if. ; ii, 460
Tin mines in Siam, ii, 289 ; in the

Straits, ii, 163
Tin trade, English, injury to, ii, 163
Tipperah, the Kingdom of, ii, 273
Tiquery} i, 55
Tirupati {Tripefti), pagoda, i, 272 //. ;

ii, 225, 243
Tobacco, ii, 23
Tokens, the Mogul's, i, 324
Tola (an Indian weight), i, 14, 418
Toman (Persian money of account =

£3 :9s.)» i» 24, 214. 414; ». 166
Tomb, of Akbar, i, 1 1 1 ; of Aurang-

zeb's wife, at Aurangabad, i, 146 ;

of Jahangir, i, ill
Tombs, at Agra, i, 109 ; of Golconda

Kings, i, 154
Tonga, a conveyance, i, 44 tt.
Tonne (of gold), i, 415 ; ii, 418
Toolmedenl i, 55

Topaz, the Mogul's, i, 400; ii, 129, 449
Tortoiseshell bracelets, ii, 273, 285
Touchstones, i, 34
Toutipourl i, 126
Tragic scene at Court, a, ii, 219
Transmigration of souls, ii, 203
Travelling in India, i, 39, 43
Treasure, buried, ii, 205
Trepani {Trapano), ii, 133
Trichmopoli, i, 248 1/.
Tripatty. See Tirupati

Tripurantakhan {Tripartie) pagoda, i,

299
Tuban, in Java, i, 239
Tulpuri {Toulapeca), i, 94
Tun of gold. See Tontu
Tungabhadra river, ii, 94 if.
Turquoise, Persian, ii, 103
Tuscany diamond, ii, 97, 124, 447
Twigg, Mr. J., quoted, ii, 42 n.

Umara. See Omrahs

Umr Shekh Mirza, i, 323

Unkie and Tunkie (Entteque Ten que), i,

147
Usbeg or Usbek Tartars, i, 92, 102,

373
Utangan river, i, 65

Viil (an Indian weight), i, 25, 418
Valentjin, quoted, ii, 198 tt.
Vambéry, quoted, ii, 104 if.
Vamulpetta {Emelipata), i, 296
Van Rez (Dutch soldier), i, 237
Van Twist (D.), quoted, ii, 6 n.
Van Wiick, the Sieur H. (D.), ii, 164,

169, 170
Vanderlin or Vanderling, General (D. ),

», 322» 338, 421
Vandime, General (D.), ii, 87, 327, 346,

399
Varthema, quoted, i, 241 tt. ; ii, 142

«., 158 if.
Vclant, the Sieur (D.), i, 106, 107
Vcllore (Velow), Raja of, i, 161 ; ii,

218
Vellutar, on the Kistna, ii, 94 n.
Vcngurla {Mingrela), ii, 176, 184, 200,

209, 219
Vessels, Indian, i, 6 ; Dutch, of war, i,

312
Vettapttr. See Fatehpur Sikri
Vet Cabotait {Aconite}), ii, 21
Vice-Admiral (second ship of fleet), ii,

.385

Viceroys of Goa, i, 190

Visapour. See Bijapur

Volcano in Banda, ii, 17

Voubebaran} ii, 158

Vouchir. See Weeyur

Voyages, Tavernier*s, first, i, xiii ;
second, i, xiii ; third, i, xiv ; fourth,
i, xviii ; fifth, i, xxi ; sixth, i, xxiii

Vyepu {Belle Epine), i, 235, 238

Wachttendonk, the Sieur Arnoul van

(D.), i, 131, 132
Waggons, i, 43

Waikenton, the Sieur (D.), ii, 42
Wairagarh {Beiragurh)% ii, 452, 460

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